Skip to main content

Full text of "Huguenots, or Reformed French Church : their principles delineated, their character illustrated, their sufferings and successes recorded"

See other formats





Sectio. /^03? 

i APR 23 1932 "^^ 












Author of the»' Sketches of Virginia and North Carolina," Biographical 

and Historical, ilhistrating the "Rise and Progress of the 

Presbyterian Church in America." 




While this hook w;is ])JissiiiL;- tlirouo'li tlie ])rocoss of 
stcrcotypiiiii,-, uiidcr tlie supervision of the venerable 
:uit]»or, lie was ealled from the toils and labors of the 
Chureh on e.-irth to the glories and joys of the iipi>er 
sanctuary. This sad event, which occurred on the 22nd 
of l.'ist Xovember, delayed the publication of this inter- 
esting volume for several months. It is now" presented 
to tlie jtublic in the belief that it wall be esteemed a val- 
uable addition to our ecclesiastical literature, and that 
it will add to the re])utation and w^ill perpetuate the 
iniluence of its distinguished and lamented author. 

September 1, 1870. E. T. B. 

Eutrrtnl ucconliiig to Act of Coiiji;ross, in tlu; year LS70, by 

in irvsf, 
ill tlif Oilicf of ilic! Librarian of Congress, Wasliiifjton, D. C. 


To those who love the development of great 
principles ; to those who admire patient 
continuance in well-doing and 
endurance of evil ; 


this volume, written in times of great personal 

trouble and national distress, is 

respectfully dedicated 


BoMNEY, Hampshire County, West Virginia. 



A. D. 1526. 

The comm en cement of the revival of Literature and vital piety in France, 
Lefevre and his pupil Farell. The doctrine of Faith a subject of discus- 
sion in France during the dark ages. ' The persecution that preceded the 
revival of Literature. Francis I. comes to the crown. Lefevre teaches 
Greek and explains the New Testament. The position of Louis XII. in 
regard to the Pope. The change agreed upon by Francis, making the 
Pope's decisions superior to the decrees of Councils. Francis gains the 
disposal of the income of the Church property. Charles V., of Spain, 
becomes Emperor of Germany, and aspires to be Pope of Rome. The 
two reasons of Luther that gained the attention of the German 
Princes. Francis I. encourages litei-ature for the glory of his kingdom. 
His sister Margaret becomes a convert to the literature and religious 
doctrines of the Reformers. Her character and influence. Her aunt 
Philiberta becomes a convert. Briconnet, Bishop of Meaux, fovours 
the new literature. Luther proposes to remove to France. Lefevre 
translates the Gospels into French. Other parts of the New Testament 
translated and widely circulated. A copy sent to the King. Portions of 
the Bible translated for the King's mother. The Romish priesthood ex- 
press great alarm at the efforts for Reformation. Objections made to two 
doctrines of the Reformers, viz : Salvation by Faith alone, and the suf- 
ficiency of the Scriptures without the decrees of councils. Francis fond 
of discussions of a literary nature, and will not persecute Lefevre for 
saying there were three Marys. Francis becomes alarmed about the doc- 
trines of the Reformation. He permits some in humble life to be tried 
for their religious belief, and to be burned. Le Clerc burned. Berquiu 
arrested, and set at liberty by the King. The nobles to have the privi- 
lege of thought and speech. The Bishop of Meaux tried and recants. 
The learned men retire to Switzerland and Germany. The reception of 
Farel. The city of Lyons receives the Reformers. Varigus and Anthony 
Blet. Anthony Pai)illon. The Reformers received in Grenoble. Pas- 
tor Sebville. Francis annoyed by the Reformed doctrines. Aflcctcd by 
the death of a young daughter. The battle of Pavia iu itseftects on the 



Reformation in France. Mariraret i?cn(Is a copy of the Epistles to Fran- 
cis while iu conluu-ment. The Queen liegcnt writes to the Pope— i)rora- 
iees him to follow his dircctionu about the Reformers. Becla bitter and 
active a.i,'ainst the Reformation. The Queen writes to the Sorbonne. 
The Pope orders ihe introduction of the Inquisition into France. The 
work of persecution commences. Berquin again arrested. The Bishop 
of Meaux again arrested, condemned and does penance. Lefevre flies to 
Straaj^hurg. Beda assails Erasmus. PastorShuck, inLofraine, isburned. 
Pavannc^ a youtli is burned in Paris. The hermit of Livry biuued. 
Persecutions iu the south of France - - - - - - 13 



The intrrost attached to the early part of the sixteenth century. The true 
foundation of Literature, Science and Religion. Charles V., Henry 
VIII., of England, and Francis I. cotemporaries. Their separate influ- 
ence on the Reformation. The contrast of Francis I. and his sister Mar- 
garet. Francis, to Avin the confidence of the Church of Rome, proposes 
an alliance. The negotiation protracted. The marriage takes place. 
Treaty with the Duke of Wurtemburg. Denis dc Reux and Berquin 
burned. The noble death of Berquin. Margaret, now Queen of Na- 
varre, publishes the Mirror of the Soul. The Sorbonne condemns it. 
Francis interposes in her behalf. The placards set up in the palace — 
their cflVct on Francis and his son Henry. Margaret flies to her domin- 
ions. The purgation of the city determined upon. The numerous Area 
and victims. The grand procession, and the victims. The declaration 
of Francis aljout his hand. The persecution at Meaux— and of the Wal- 
denses. twenty-two of their viliages being burnt to ashes. He regrets 
his treatment of the Waldenses. His character and views of Religion. 
Incrwise of the Reformed. Henry II. of France, his inconsistency in as- 
pisting the Protestants abroad, and persecuting tlie Reformers in France. 
Th(! martyrdom of five young men at Lyons. Their long confinement 
and lieroic death, and its great efl'ect upon the bystanders. Catherine 
de Medici makcis her husband more bitter against the Reformers. His 
desire to see the death of Dubourg. His death. His last eflbrt with 
his parliament to sanction the Inquisition in France. The Council of 
Trent. Four events favour the formation of the Reformed French 
C;hurch; Ist, The influences connected with the Duchess of Ferrara; 
2nd. Those clustering around John Calvin; ;3d. Those connected with 
Clemiiut Marot; and 4th, Those connected with the Protestant churches 
in Germany. The Duchess of Ferarra i)rolects the Reformers. Her 
message to the Duke of Giave. The labors of Calvin in Geneva. Clem- 
ent Marot, the poet, ]»rotected by Margaret of Navarre. Persuaded to 
translate some of the Psalms of David into French verse. Various edi- 
tions of these psalms — th<;ir great popularity. Tlie favourite psalms of 
the royal family. The elibrts of tlic licentious to introduce other poetry. 


The effect of singing the psalms of Marot and Beza. It becomes a part 
of the public worship of the Reformed. Effects of the treaty of Passaii 
and Diet of Augsburg. Eeligion not free in Germany or England or 
Switzerland or ilollaud. A very general agreement in doctrine in these 
churches. The advantage of the Church in France by not being sup- 
ported by the King or parliaments. The steps by which the Reformed 
French Church was formed. The first places of preaching. The neces- 
sity for association in worship and doctrine and discipline. The admin- 
istration of the ordinances. Consistories formed. The order of public 
worship, the confession of sin, the forms of baptism, of communion, 
of marriage, and of the burial of the dead admitted but not commanded. 
The repetition of the Lord's prayer and the ten commandments. The 
formation of Colloquies, Provincial Synods, and lastly the formatian of 
tile National Synod. Parliament refuses to introduce the Inquisition at 
the request of Henry II. Cardinal Lorraine on his own responsibility 
introduces it in 1558. The Reformed complete their church organization 
the next year, 1559. Formation of the Book of Discipline, first in forty 
sections, afterwards increased to two hundred and twenty. The confes- 
sion of the Reformed French a model to Scotland and to Holland. 
The peculiar positioa and honor of the Reformed French Churchy - - 33 



The surprise caused by the treaty of Chateau Cambresis. The secret arti- 
cles for the destruction of those differing from the church of Rome. 
Marriage of the daughters of Henry II. and his consequent death. Fran- 
cis II. succeeds to the crown in his sixteenth year. His mother, Cather- 
ine de Medici, regent. Two branches of the descendents of St. Louis 
claim the regency and the cvowni in event of failure of the Valois 
line, and form two parties, the Bourbon and the Guise. The Bourbons 
favour the Reformed, the Guises are supported by Rome. The compara- 
tive strength of the parties. Where the greatest strength of the Re- 
formed lay. The principles that governed Catherine de Medici. Politi- 
cal meeting at Vendome, 1560. The embassy to the King. The King of 
Navarre beguiled. An appeal to the Reformed to form a political party 
in favour of the Bourbon line. A petition for toleration. The embassy 
betrayed and a multitude of people slain. Reformer, Huguenot, and 
rebel become synonymous. The chancellor Michael Lc Hospital on Tol- 
eration. A political assembly at Fontainbleau, 1560, to which the Admi- 
ral presents a petition from Normandy, and asked for toleration. An 
assembly of the States proposed. At the meeting, Conde was treacher- 
ously arrested and condemned— his execution prevented by sudden 
death of Francis II., December 5th, 1560. Charles IX. succeeds to the 
crown in his eleventh year. A petition presented to the young King, 
asking toleration The edict of July, 1561. forbidding i)erfceculion and 


the exorcise of any form of rcliirioii but the Romish. The Conference at 
Pois^iy between Die Keformer.« and the sidvocates of theOhnrch of Rome 
nnrefonned commences September, 1561. Lorraine takes the lead for the 
Roman i.sts, Beza for the Relormera. His confession, his prayer and his 
speech, and its effects. Private inter\dew of Lorraine and Beza. A com- 
mon fornuila. The remarlis of the King's sister on this conference. 
Beza preaches in France about two years. Great congregation assembles 
-in Paris. A Great disturbance. The Edict of 18K2, granting freedom of 
worship in the country and the suburbs of the cities. The King of Na- 
varre beguiled to renounce the Refonnafion, and unites with the Duke of 
Guise against the Huguenots. The Duke offers to adopt the Atigsburg con- 
fession on conditions. Beza's reply to the King of Navarre. The massacre 
at Vassy. The Duke's knowledge of the Bible. He seizes the King and gar- 
risons the city. The meeting at Orleans choose Conde their leader. A man- 
ifesto. Both sides prepare for war. Siege and capture of Rouen. Civil 
war. Duke of Guise assassinated. The nmrderer ftxlscly imjdicates Beza. A 
Treaty in March, 1563, granting freedom ot religion throughout France, 
except Paris. The young King's journey through France. Conference 
of the Queen Regent and Duke of Alva at Bayonne in 1565. Alva's advice. 
Jean d' Albert, Queen of Navarre, embraces the Reformed faith. The 
Intluence of Queens on France. The difference in their religious con- 
victions. Tlie Queen of France persuades Jean d' Albert to visit Paris. 
Prince Henry of Navarre— his birth and early education. His visit to 
Paris. His remark to the King— and his report to his mother. Embassy 
of the German I'rotestant princ(^s— it irritates the Iving of France. The 
offer of the Huguenots about Alva. Organization of the political party 
of the Huguenots completed— its two examples for imitation. Confer- 
ence at ChatilJon in 1567. attempt to seize the King— siege of Paris. Bat- 
tle of St. Denis, A treaty confirming the toleration decreed by the 
Huguenots while the Queen prepared for war. The battle at Aubeterre. 
The battle of Jarnac, 1569, lost by the Huguenots. The battle of Mon- 
can was also lost by them. The Huguenots in arms in 16T0, Prince 
Henry tlurir header. A treaty confirmed full liberty of conscience to the 
Huguenot s. Four towns given as hostages. Rochelle, Lji Cliarite, Mon- 
taiiban, and Cognac. The Queen mother attempts three things: 1st, to 
gain tlu" confidence of the Huguenots; 2d, to gather a fleet; 3d, by spies 
to watch the Prince of Navarre. Second meeting of the National Synod, 
1.560. on matters of faith, doctrine, and practice ; the votes of elders not 
to exceed— may not exceed in numbers— those of the pastors. The names 
ot members of the Church to be taken and kept. A representative from 
each i)roviMce to be kejjt at court. Third National Synod, 1562. Church 
orLiani/.ation in jn-ivate houses. No prayers at the burial of the dead. 
A book condcmncid as erroneous. Fourth National Synod, 1563. Re- 
markable events to be recorded by the churches. Beza to i)rotest against 
the Council of Trent. Eight provincial Synods arranged. Fifth National 
Synod. l-'jCt.'). A book condemned. Sixth Natiojial Synod, 1567. Letters 
from Geneva and from Calvin. A mute admitted to the sacrament. Sev- 
enth National Synod, 1571. Beza presides. The Confession of Faith 
read. Nobility pre.-?ont. Three copies of the Confession to be written 


out, to be subscribed by the deputies. Advice to the Queen of Navarre 
about the olliccs of her kint^dom. Eighth National Synod, at Nismes. 
At what time the Book of Discipline was conapleted. ]S[umber of Re- 
formed churches, as reported by Beza, In different places. The number 
of Reformed, as reported by the King of France to the Pope. The Queen 
sends an embassy to promote a marriage with the Prince of Navarre and 
her daughter. Her reasons for it; and her inducements held out to 
Queen Jean. The marriage agreed upon. The place to be Paris. The 
Huguenot nobles urged also to attend. Great objections made. Suspi- 
cious circumsiauces. The reception at Paris. Court paid to the Admiral 
by the young King. The duplicity shown to the Pope's Legate and the 
Queen of Navarre. The Queen of Navarre suddenly dies. The mari-iage 
takes place. Many suspicious circumstances. The details of the plan 
for the destruction of the Huguenots not complete. Much confusion 
about the execution. An attempt to assassinate the Admiral. The 
King's conduct. The Huguenot nobles ask leave to depart. The Queen 
visits the Admiral. The manner of the Massacre determined in council. 
Guise takes the lead. The time is hastened. The Admiral murdered in 
most oflensive circumstances. Sully's account of the morning of the 
24th of August. Treatment of the King of Navarre and Prince Conde. 
The slaughter prolonged. The King gazes on the body of the Admiral. 
The extent of the massacre. Acts of cruelty. Various Governors refuse 
to assist in the massacre. The King's remorse. The bravery ot his 
Surgeon, The King's duplicity about the massacre. The medal struck 
on the occasion. .....--.o 



NANTES, 1598. 
The reception ot the news of the massacre in different parts of Europe, in 
i-pain, in Rome, in England, and in Scotland. The Huguenots recover 
their spirits by some unexpected success. Henry of Navarre escapes 
from court, and becomes the acknowledged leader of the Huguenots. 
The perplexity of the Queen mother. Unhappy death of Chaples IX. 
His last interview with Henry of Navarre. The conduct of the Queen 
mother. Death of Cardinal Lorraine. Duke of Anjou becomes King as 
Henry HI. The League of 1576. The wars of the three Henries. The 
project of Bouillon to unite the Huguenots to the Palatinate. The opin- 
ion of a historian. The decision of the Doctors of the University of 
Paris about removing a King. The saying of his sister. Assassination 
of the Duke of Guise, in 1588. The speech of the King. Assassination 
of Cardinal Guise. The King's reason for it. Death of Catharine De 
Medeci, in 1589. Her character and actions. Henry III. assassinated by 
the monk Clement. His interview with Henry of Navarre. Homage 
done to the King of Navarre. He is proclaimed Henry IV. The assas- 
sin Clement. The Duke of Parma. His death. Negotiations with Henry 
to give him the crown on his changing his faith. Duke of Sully's opiu- 


ion. The Kinff wlllin.i; to change his faith. Sully give? him reasons for 
doing f=o. In July, 1593. Ileiiry IV. abjures the llugueuot laitii and pro- 
IVsse" Romanism. The Huguenots greatly troubled. Ileniy disap- 
I>ointed in the eflects of his abjuration upon those who had clamored for 
it. He regrets the oilers and alliance with the King of Spain. Assembly 
of the Huguenots at Monte. Attempt to assassinate the King. He ex- 
liresses his disappointment. Sully feels their malice. Henry is crowned 
King of France In 159-i. Contract with the Prince of Orange. Ninth 
NatFonal Synod, 1578. The education of youth was particularly incul- 
rated, aiul schools to be provided. Pastors to catechise their flocks at 
least once or twice a yetir. Ministers to give themselves to study and 
jnc-thodical instruction. Parents urged to attend to their children, and 
are not to send to schools kept by priests. Jesuits, or nuns. Fonr dehv 
gates appointed to attend the meeting called by Cai^inier to unite all 
Protestant Churches in one Confession. An appeal— the first brought to 
the National Synod— came from the Prince of Conde. and is decided 
H','ainst him. The condition on which the magistrates of the place might 
sit and vote in Synods. Tenth ^ational Synod, 1579. The importance 
oi" sustaining poor students of hopeful talents enjoined upon the rich. 
The Confession of the Dutch Churches in both languages approved; and 
the means of uniting all Protestant Churches considered. Subjects from 
tlie Bible not to be turned into comedies or tragedies. Giving out the 
lines in singing objected to. The Eleventh National Synod. Princss 
and Lords had their attention directed to the rules of discipline. Books 
not to be printed without leave from the Coloquies. Tlie Twelfth Na- 
tional Synod, 1583. An agreement made with the churches of the Low 
Countries for the interchange of Deputies. A common seal adopted. 
An union between the Churches of Germany and France attemjjted. 
Thirteenth Nati<mal Synod, in 1594. The Lord's supper to be adminis- 
tered l)efore Synod closes, to represent union in doctrine and discipline. 
Tlie (ieneva translation of the Bible commended. Calvin's Catechism to 
be retained unaltered. Synod's opinion of the Conference at Nantes be- 
fore Ilcinry IV. The means of union for the whole body politically. 
Fourteenth National Synod, 1596. Kecommend that a college for the in- 
Htriiction of youth be erected in each province. The union proposed at 
Loudon approved. Whether Scripture songs, by Beza, be sung in the 
Cliurches, was made a subject for consideration. An edition of the 
triiusiation of the Bible to be printed at Ilocbelle. The Edict of Nantes 
granted in 159H. Its provisions. Death of Philip of Spain, in the same 
year. His (li.-ai)i)ointnient in the plans of his life. The eli'ect of the re- 
li'ioub wars falsely BO called. The condition of France. 


HENRY IV., 1(310. 

By Edict of Nantes the religious mec^tingsof the Huguenots were tolerated 
( ondilionally ; the political meetings were forbidden. Great discontents. 


The subject mncli discussed before the King. He agrees to tolerate them 
for a time without an Edict. The cautionary towns ; 900,000 crowns to 
be appropriated yearly for theh' support: this for eight years. The royal 
consent to be asked for the meeting of the National Synod, and for the 
political assembly. The Fifteenth National Synod met in May, 1598. 
Advice asked by the King' s sister. Two sections in the Edict of Nantes— 
1st, the paying of titles, '2cl, the royal gratuity of 45,000 crov/ns. The 
Synod appropriates the money to two purposes— education and support 
of the University. 14 Provincial Synods and 760 churches. Union of 
Montes to be preserved. The Church to maintain its own poor. Pub- 
lication of injurious books complained of. The scattered position of the 
Huguenots a cause of their weakness. Three causes of trouble in 
France— 1st, the strife for place and emolument; 2d, the emissaries of 
Spain; 3d, the political meetings of the Huguenots, which he finally pisr- 
mitted. Offices conferred on the Huguenots. The ablest financiers for 
two centuries. They make his treasury rich by their mechanic arts, and 
contribute greatly to the prosperity of France, and the greatness of Hemy 
IV. The pure morality of the Huguenots ; how obtained. Their strict- 
ness in all things pertaining to the marriage relation. Sully's opinion. 
The pulpit ministrations of the Huguenots. "The French pulpit," a 
term of comparison. A Huguenot at court. The great increase of the 
Eeformcd from converts, a cause of alarm. The Sixteenth National 
Synod in 1601. Eesolutions passed in favour of creating church libra- 
lies ; against lotteries, and candidates preaching a length of time before 
ordination ; and for making provision for the widows and orphans of 
ministers. Number of churches, 753. The Seventeenth National Synod, 
KiOo, condemns, as erroneous, the denial of the active and passive obe- 
dience of Christ in our justification. Letters to be sent to Piscator, and 
the universities abroad on this subject. The Pope, for his pretensions, 
pronounced anti-Christ. Du Plessis' work on the Eucharist approved, 
and to be printed. Children to be taken from the Jesuit Colleges. Cor- 
respondence to be held with foreign churches respecting union. A peti- 
tion about the word, "pretended," in the Edict of Nantes. Oaths to 
be taken by holding up the right hand. Eoll of ministers. Eighteenth 
National Synod, 1007. The doctrine of Piscator condemned by the Synod. 
Perrin urged to finish his work on the Waldenses. Chamier urged to 
finish his begun work. The Synod object to the proposed alteration in 
the manner of choosing delegates to court. Foreign correspondence. 
Candidates for the ministry to be the only spectators of the National 
Synodical meetings. Nineteenth National Synod, 1009. Vergener thanked 
for Theatre of anti-Christ. In receiving ministers from Scotland, the 
French discipline and government to be maintained. The case of Mr. 
Welsh. The administration of the Lord's supper. The edition of the 
Bible to be printed at Eochelle, to be small, and accompanied with a se- 
lection of texts. The provincial Synods each to choose some person to 
defend a particular doctrine. The order given. To be five universities. 
The places named. Two things to be observed : 1st, the difliculty attend- 
ing restoring a condemned ministry: 2d, the resolute defence of the 
marriage relation. The testimony of the Eeformcd Church agaiust the 


court. Henry cniicoivcp the project of the balance of power in Europe. 
Consents to make the Queen rei^cnt in his absence. The King atsas- 
sinaled. May 11th. IfilO. The circumstances. The Queen affronts a new 
Council. Sully's noble conduct. Ills remarks on the occasion. Henry's 
great designs all died with him. His character : his excellencies, and de- 
fects. Henry and Coligny conijjared. The inliuence of Henry on his 
posterity, - - - - - - - - - - 172 



The Queen enters on the regency, and makes preparations to crown her 
son ; chooses two Italians for her confidants. Edict of Nantes confirmed. 
Pope conciliated. In 1611. the King confii'ms the gift of 450.000 crowns 
and adds another yearly sum of 450.000 livres. These were the last Edicts 
in favour of the Reformed. Their leaders became politically divided in 
their political meeting, in 1611, and were called the judicious and the 
zealous; or, more properly, the Strict Constructionist.'^, and the Free Con- 
ftruc'ioiiists. Duplessis publishes his work— 7V/e Mysten-y of Iniquity— 
against the Romish church. The Twentieth National Synod, In 1612. An 
oath to be taken by all the deputies, and by pastors and candidates. Mar- 
riage vows con!?idered. The Provincial Synods increased to si.xteen. Pro- 
fessors of theology not to be members of political assemblies on pain of 
8HS])en8ion. The King sends an edict of pardon and forbids all political 
a8scni1)Iies. The Synod protests. Collections lor a Book of Martyrs to 
be made. The Synod earnestly exhorts her political leaders to union of 
counsel and of action, and adjures them by all that is good and sacred. 
The c;onfession of Faith and the Discipline to be the bond of union to 
the Reformed in matters of religion. All reference to the King to be 
8cnt by the deputies at court. Six universities and fourteen colleges. 
The courts of France and Spain united by a double marriage. Great 
diseontent on account of the two favourites. The design renewed of 
rooting out all dissenters from the Church of Rome. The Twenty-first 
National Synod, 1614. This Synod aimed at two objects worthy of her: 
l8t, To preserve unity among the Reformed in France; and, 2d, to pro- 
motii agreement among all the Protestants of Europe. Letters from eminent 
Hu.'ueuots; also froni James I. of England. The insui-mountable diffi- 
culti(!s in the way of union with foreign churches. In what real union 
consists. Allegiance to the King fully acknowledged, and a last-day 
api)oint<'d in lavour of the young King. A political assembly held in 
l«;i1. The course of Conde not favourable to peace. The States General 
of France assembled in 1614. never convened again till the reign of Louis 
XV I. The regency ceases ; the King declared of age at 14. The Edict of 
Nanles confirmed. The King's marriage with the infanta of Spain. A new 
favourite in 1617: the death of the old <mcs. The Twenty-second National 
Synod. 1617. A conmiittee favourably received by the King. Thanks to 
<'h;imi. I- lor ihiv vohnnrs ot his great work. The General Deputy comes 


in. The subject offorei.^n union postponed. Number of pastoi-s. The Queen 
mother appears in arms ; Conde sent to meet her. Richlieu tirst appears 
at the treaty that followed, and gains the good will of the King. The 
tirst act of the King against the Huguenots— to reduce Bearne to a pro- 
vince of France. A political assembly of the Huguenots, in 1619. It 
opposes the design on Bearne as despotic. The King compels the parlia- 
ment to enrol the Edict for the change of Bearne- Twenty-third meeting 
of the National Synod, 10-30. A fast appointed principally in reference 
to Bearne. The Committee, to attend the Synod of Dort, ordeied by the 
King to return home. Ministers forbid to preach politics, on pain of sus- 
pension ; and forbidden to be deputies to the court. The articles of the 
Synod of Dort read and approved ; all ministers to sign a form of appro- 
bation. The oath union of the Reformed in Prance was subscribed. 
Rules for the universities. A pastor may teach Hebrew, but not Gi-eek. 
A petition for Rivet to be Professor at Leyden. Thanks to Perrin for 
his history. The Bearnese resume their privileges and are subdued. 
The political assembly of the Huguenots at Loudon refuses to adjourn, 
sine die, but to meet again. It met at Rochelle. Heated debates. The 
question was on what ground they should resist the King. Duplessis 
opposes \iolent action; Bouillon opposes violence; I/esdeguleres was 
opposed. The assembly determine to prepare for war. They demand a 
free construction of the Edict of Nantes. The King's copy. Luinnes 
proposes to take the cautionary towns from the Huguenots. The King 
calls the assembly rebellious, and prepares to subdue the Huguenots. 
The assembly prepares to meet the King. Their motto. Buillon's ad- 
vice,— good— but neglected. By treachery and falsehood, the King gets 
posession of Saumur. The ill-treatment of Duplessis. Death of Du 
plessis. His honour and statesmanship. The King marches south ; all 
the cautionary towns in his path were taken. The assembly at Rochelle 
issue an apology; the King's answer. His progress stopped at Montau- 
ban. Mayenne killed. Dominic Jesu Marie. Death of Chamier. The 
city re-inforced. The siege abandoned. Luinnes dies. The King's cru- 
elty to the citizens of Negropalesse and St. Authonies. Montpellier 
successfully resists. A treaty is signed. Strict construction establishsd. 
Lesdeguieres rewarded for his defection ; his death. Fatal efiects of dis- 
union among the Huguenots. An opinion of their course on a review. - 207 



The state of the court of France after the Peace of 1622 ; its new feature of 
dissoluteness. The need of an advocate for the Huguenots at court. 
The National Synod now the only channel of communication with the 
court. Its Twenty-fourth meeting, 1623. The King appointed a com- 
missioner to attend in his name all the proceedings ; he declared that 
similar commissioners should attend the Provincial Synod, the Consis- 
tories, and Colloquies. The rank of members of Synod. A committee 
of conference wait on the King to answer his objections to the proceed- 


iiijrs of last Synod about Synod of Dort. The Synod repeal their action 
about an oath, and in its place pive a brief formula of doctrines to be 
believed, and errors to be rejected. The cases of Mr. Cameron and Mr. 
I'rinirose and Dii Manlin. Their offences ; the first, opi)osed the parlia- 
ment t>f Bordeaux; the second, opposed the disingenuous preaching of 
a Jesuit; the third, had opposed Richlieu in writing, and had called 
Engl and, tJu bulwark of the nefmmation. Books not to be printed till 
after e.vamiuatiou by authorized persons. Simplicity in sermonizing 
recommended. Number of Universities and their teachings. The bread 
used in the Lord's sujjper by the Reformed in France. Durant, Chamier, 
Rivet, Galland, and the celebrities of the Synod. Cardinal Richlieu 
Civme into power, 1«34 ; the necessity for him ; his rapid rise; his great 
designs to render the Church and monarchy an unit. He aggravates the 
Iliiguenots by his officers ; and the city of Rochelle prepares for war. 
The King's forces plunder the provinces. The brave exploit of the seven 
peasants of Foix. The heroic death of Captain Durant. Richlieu nego- 
tiates a marriage between the Prince of Wales and the sister of the 
French King; and fonns a league against Spain of France, England, 
Venice, Savoy, and Holland. A treaty signed 1026, guaranteed by the 
King of England, James I. The Twenty-fifth National Synod, in 1626. 
Tlie King orders that ministers shall not leave the Kingdom without per- 
mission from him. To the enquiry about the Spanish foction, the Synod 
replies, that no minister of the Huguenots was connected with it. An 
act against the Jesuits as countenancing assassinations. Complaints to 
the King of the ill-treatment of Huguenot ministers. The King required 
the Synod to choose the court deputies, or in default, he would^'nominate 
them himself. La Houcher to collect the memoirs from the churches 
an.l lay them before his majesty. A testimony in favour of the Kin- 
Prayers to be offered for Lord and Lady Dangean. Acts about publish- 
ing various manuscripts. Number of i)astors and churches. Richlieu's 
designs. Benlevoglis' letters. Rochelle to be destroyed. The aid of 
England saught by Rochelle; the difficulties of the city. The war be- 
gins. The siege of the city. The great moat built by Richlieu. An 
English fleet appears; soon sails away; the death of Buckingham stops 
the sailing of another. Memoranda of Merault. The sufferings of the 
besieged The starving crowd. Two Englishmen. Widow Prisne. 
The third English fleet does little service. Famine in the city. It sur- 
renders. Richlieu oflers favourable terms, but deceives in every partic- 
ular. The stormy season comes on, and the moat is broken up. and the 
King m great danger. The destruction of the city. The royal Edict of 
.race. Rohan retires to Vc-iiice. The fall of Rochelle, the preparation 
lor the dovvnlall of tlie iK^bilily. _ . . 

J - - - . 251 



Tho Twenty-sixth National Synod, 1031. The Kinjr insists tiiat a com- 
missioner shall attend all the meetings of all the judicatories. A list of 
the King's demands of this Synod. Reading of the Confession and Dis- 
ciiiline. The annual bounty not paid for a series of years. Richelieu's 
atlack upon the Reformed under pretence of arranging for Bearne. 
The Synod call the King's attention to his edicts in their favour ; and 
gives a list of their grievances. Decision in the case of Rivet. List of 
Universities. Decision about teaching Greek. The designs of the Em- 
peror Ferdinand, and the course of Richelieu. The Twenty-seventh 
Synod, 163T. Number of churches and pastors. The King's demands 
under 11 heads. The Synod's reply under 18 heads. Testard and Amey- 
raunt come before the Synod to establish thtir Orthodoxy, and give 
satisfaction to Synod. Compliment to Richelieu. The Cardinal's last and 
great struggle with the nobles of France. Orleans disgraced. De 
Thou beheaded. Bouillon gives up his principality. Cinq Mars be- 
hea^led. Character of the elder Bouillon. The last note of Richlieu to 
the King. His death, in 1642. His character, and the influence of his 
government. His views of religion in his last days. Louis XIII. dies, 
1643. - - 288 


MAZARINE, 1601. 

Mazarine succeeds Richlieu ; and is named one of the executors of Louis 
XIII. The great men of the Court. The Twenty-eighth National Synod, 
1644. The commissioner compliments the Synod and the Huguenots. 
His majesty blames those parts of the Confession that speak of the Pope 
and the Ramish Church. The moderator replies that those words have 
been in the Confession from the first, and cannot be put out. In a letter 
to the young King, the Synod pledges life, fortune and Jionour in his 
service. A pledge was also given to the Queen mother. A form of bap- 
tism for Jews, Pagans and Mohammedans. Acts concerning teaching 
the Catechism. Complaints renewed against Ameyraunt for his books 
on Rep-obation and other thiiigs. Complaints against the indepen- 
dents settling in France. The Synods act upon them. Decision re- 
specting De la Place's book on original Sin. Drelincourt receives 
thanks for his book on the worship of the Virgin. The works of De 
Artois, Bernarden and Blondel. The Univei-s;ty of Sedan. StrictJ in- 
junction about correct editions of the Bible, Psalm Books, Confession of 
Faith, Liturgy and Catechism. Dissensions about the guardianship ot 
the young King. The war of the Fronde. The Huguenots the safe- 
guard of the State. Cromwell's remark about Conde. The King passes 
his minority in 1652. The Edict of Nantes confirn^ed, and the Reformed 
complimented. The balance of power in Europe settled by the treaty of 
Westphalia, in 1648. The massacre of the Vaudois, 16.55. Cromwell, by 
John Milton, dispatches letters to King of France and all the I'rotcst- 
aut powers. An Edict, in 1656, annulling the favourable acts passed in 

xii CONTENT r!. 

May. ir,.V2; and dcclarin.^ that, commissioiiors fhonlcl bo sent to decide 
alxnit the Reformed phices of worship, and other matters. An Edict, of 
IC.oT, forbids the meetinj;- of colloquies. The King predjudiced against 
the Huguenots as too strong. 1658, Cromwell again to the King of France, 
by Milton, about the Vaudois. The Twenty-ninth and last National 
Synod, 1U59. The commissioner delivers the King's injunctions under 
1.^ heads. Some of these were, that there should be no more political 
assemblies ; might apply the word anti-Christ to the Pope ; students from 
Cieneva, EuL'land, Holland, or Switzerland, might not be settled in 
France ; that jirovincial Synods were to be courts of the last resort; and 
no more fasts be appointed. Tlte Synod replied in a paper of 14 heads. 
The Confession of Faith read and signed, and sworn to. In sesssion, 
sixty-two days. Dispatched a great amount of business in a dignified 
and ministerial style. The presiding otTicer of this last meeting was 
Dai lie, author of the Right use of the Fathers. Cardinal Mazarine dies, 
IGOl. The manner of his educating the King. - . - - - - 331 



The King's first Council after the death of Mazarine ; the faulty education 
of the King. Submission to Rome in religion, and despotism in his 
kingdom, the principles of Louis XIV. in his court. His position was: 
"I am the State," to which he added: "lam head of the Church in 
France;" the means he used to convert the young Huguenots were: 
1st. They were enticed by noble and wealthy alliances. 2d. By places 
ol power and trust. 3d. Those of a literary turn were invited to court, 
and olVca-ed places and rewards; eminent pastors allured by salaries. 
4th. The talents of the Romish church put into the highest requisition ; 
and great etibrts made to have the audiences equal to those of the Re- 
formed : the difl'erence between the two Bets of preachers. Some suc- 
cess followed, especially among the nobles. 1st. Expression of determi- 
nation to destroy the Huguenots completely ; a committee of visitation. 
2d. Ex])ression, in numerous oppressive edicts, of an annoying kind, 
about singing, burying the dead, about closing the courts; the compli- 
ment jinid i)astor Du Bosc for his remonstrance; the depriving the 
Huguenots of their records, as well as of their churches; releasing debts 
toabjurers; congregations to admit of no converts; iutermariages for- 
bidden ; and finally dcipriving the Huguenots of all offices and public em- 
<;m[iloyments. .3d. Expression ; his dui)licity ; the expressions of it in his 
own lot t(!rH to his son ; in the letters of Madame Maintenon to her brotlier. 
4th. Expression ; Bought conversions ; Pelisson's work ; the money paid 
under various pretences; the'price paid for a convert, on an average; letters 
from Madame Maintenon on the subject ; examples of her work ; the vari- 
<Mis rewards of «levotion to his majesty. 5th. Expression; the booted mis- 
fionarii'S, or the dragonades, of the Minister of War, Louvois; his jeal- 
ousy of relisson ; begins in KJSl to quarter troops on the Huguenots; 


his inf=!trnctions to Marillac; the way to be exempt from dragoons; the 
account of dragonacles as given by Quick in his Synodicon ; the license 
given the soldiers. . The annoyances almost innumerable. The success 
of Louvois; joy of the court. The orders given to BoufHers. The Hu- 
guenots emigrate : their lands sell cheap. Madame Maintenon's letter 
to her brother to take advantage of that fact. England interposes ; other 
Protestant nations interpose. The King listens. He forbids emigration. 
A list of the annoying edicts and practices against the Huguenots ; their 
lives rendered miserable. The King determines on revoking the Edict 
of Nantes. Tlie meritorious deeds of the Huguenots— the Admiral Da 
Quesne, Turrene, and Colbert. The Eomish clergy pretend they do 
not desire the revocation. Oppression of Bearne by armed forces. Duke 
of Noailles reports, respecting Languedoc, 210,000 converts. 6tli Ex- 
pression, and last: The edict to destroy all Huguenot books is issued. 
A list of five hundred different books to be destroyed ; they were gath- 
ered and burned. The universities and schools shut up and transferred 
to the Eomanists. Louvois reports the number of conversions in differ- 
ent provinces. The best preachers of the Romish church sent to preach 
to the reputed converts. Letter of Madame De Sevigjie concerning 
Bourdaloue's mission. The King is assured that a revocation was safe, 
and the Edict wrs signed and issued October 23, 1685. The twelve pro- 
visions of the Edict : The places of worship to be destroyed ; no more 
assembling of congregations; no worship in the houses of the nobles; 
ministers to depart the kingdom in a fortnight; promises to those who 
abjure; ministers may become advocates; private schools forbidden; 
children to be baptized by Eoraish priests; returning emigrants par- 
doned ; none to leave the kingdom, or remove thcii goods ; the relapyed 
to be punished ; all m'ght remain quietly made no show whatever 
of Protestantism: and all officers required to put these orders of the 
Edict in force. La Tellier signs this Edict as his last public act. The 
clergy celebrate the day. Bossuet's oration. Madame Sevigne's letter. 
Abbe Tallemand's speech about the ruins of Charenton. Massilon's 
speech. Opinion of the Jansenists. '1 hanksgiving at Rome. The Pope's 
letter to the King. * • - 336 



The work of destruction begins, the day the Edict is registered, with Cha- 
renton. Last services in the temple. Declaration of the Attorney-Gen- 
eral. Elders of the consistory in Paris banished ; Claude to leave Paris 
in twenty-four hours. The short way of the Secretary of State in making 
converts. Pastors allowed fifteen days to leave the kingdom; not to 
carry their property, books or papers, nor father or mother, brother or 
sister, or children over seven years, nor nurses for babes. Ministers 
sometimes dotained on the borders by false pretences till their time ran 
out, and put in prison. Very lew abjured. Some laymen had leave to 


depart— Schomberg and Du Qiii'snc, the Priiices^s of Tarciittim, and the 
Countesa of lioye. Three classes of Huguenots remained in France: 
1st. the niounlaineers, Avho kei)t alive llio spirit of the Eelbrmed : '^d, 
ihoP" who abjured, of wliom there were many ; 3d, those who tarried a 
Avliile to save their pro] erly, and find a safer lime for ex'ile; to these 
may be added: 4th, those sent to the gallej-s. Prisons filled by arrests; 
lu8G. more than (JOOiii the galleys at Marseilles. Severe di^ cii'line. David 
Decaumont, Louis De Marolles. A letter from Marolles to his Avife ; his 
death. Few could get released. A large number of the Huguenots emi- 
grated ; their difficulties; skill and address; go in a great variety of 
ways ; those on the sea coast seek flight in vessels. Count De Marante. 
'J'he King's prevailing motive— a penance to save his soul, besides mak- 
ing him abselute. About ."00,000 escaped, cairying about ](,0,CCO,COO of 
crowns. Spirit of the Huguenots going into exile: 1st. they carried an 
ardent love of France, her language, her clima'e, her soil ; 2d, they lelt 
the supremacy of constitutional law ; 3d, a strong attachment to the house 
of Bourbon; 4th, clearly defined views of the rights of conscience gov- 
erned by thi! revealed will of God ; 5th, that all men had some rights, but 
were not all equal ; Gth. firm believers in practical and doctrinal piety, their 
creed was fixed ; 7th, thc>y carried, as far as practicable, their Church with 
them. Believing in the unity of the Church of Christ, they went to 
prove it. --... 374 



Private fortunes were made, and some money went into the treasury. 
Efi"ects of the emigration not immediately seen. Revenues began to fail, 
and the cause was searched for and found. Reports made by the King's 
ministers, 1st. Of the ruin in maufactories in the difterent provinces, and 
all kinds of trade. 2nd. In the injury to commerce; a computation of 
the loss in the trade of two countries, England and Holland. 3d. Loss 
to morality and literature as well as religion in the banishment of seven 
hundred men, many of note as authors and others as preachers. 4th. 
France lost many of its best soldiers; they assist the Prince of Orange 
in his expedition. 5th. Many eminent men of dilTerent professions. 
Two things set forth. 1st. Strengih of the religious principles. 2nd. 
Extent of religious intolerances. - - - 401 



Protestant nations open their borders to the refugees. 1st. Reformed 
Cantons of Switzerland, Basle, Berne, Geneva. Flcurnoy's account of 
the passage of the refugees through Geneva. Persons banished from 
France. Letter from the King of Fiance to Geneva. Zurich. Neulchatel, 


Bnsle. anrl PclinfThauPcn. Son of Admiral Dn Qnopno erects n eenntapli 
to hu5 lather ; the inscription. Valuable acquisitions to the population. 
2nd. Provinces of Holland. Always a refnce for the oppressed. Colo- 
nies of refugees before the time of Louis XIV. Emigrants from Poic- 
tou, in 1681. Letter of Count De Avaux: second letter from the 
count. Allotment of the French pastorSv Number of Churches founded. 
Letter from Louis XIV. to his ambassador about the revocation about 
to take place. Deep interest manifested at the news of the revocation. 
A solemn fast held. Houses of rcifuge formed under patronage of the 
Princess of Orange. Two hundred and fifty preachers make their home 
jn Holland. Claude, Jurieu, Barnage, Martin, Benoit, Superville, Dii 
Bosc, Saurin the elder, Sanrin the younger, and Polj^ander. Many men 
of wealth take refuge there. Count Avaux tells the King they brought 
more than 20,000,000 of Uvres. Influence on the United Provinces in a 
political view; in a religious point of view. Manufactories established. 
Sd. Prussian States. Frederic William of Brandenburg, Jiis descent 
and education ; takes advantage of the revocation, and issues a counter 
edict. Many emigrants to his provinces. Many of them illustrious, 
four appointed to take oversight of the interests of the refugees. 
Pastor Aucillon of Metz; some eminent military men; the pastor 
Abaddie. Six classes of refugees, and iheir importance to thp Kingdom. 
The first king of Prussia; second king of Prussia; third king of 
Prussia, Frederic the Great. The progress of the language in 
Prussia. Influence of the emigrations on the kingdom. 4th. Sweden, 
Denmark and Russia also open their doors for the reliigecs. Particu- 
lars not put down. -.---.. ^_„^ 414 



England began early to receive refugees. King Fdvfird Vl.'s kindness. 
Elizabeth encouraged them; they set up manufaclures. After Parth.olo- 
mew's day many refugees, Chuichcs for them. Jiimes I., Charles I., 
Charles II., and James II. all temporize, fav( urirg ihe Protestants to 
please the nation, and cherishing to the utmost the Eomish Church. 
'Ihe revocation sei ds thousands to England. Their kind reception. 
Collections ma;1e for the poor. Advantages to Ergland. 1st. From the 
soldiery, in putting Vv'iHiam on the throne. 2nd. From the manufac- 
tures. 3rd. From the educated men. 1st. The solditry. Cchomberg 
the leader of the expedition; the great number of Ficnch in the army. 
The gallantrj'- and death of ScIk mbcrg. The nanus of other biave < ffi- 
cers. Many of the soldiers colonized in Ireland. Snd. From the arti- 
sans. They set up manufactures in silks, in linen, sail-cloth and printed 
linens, fine i) Louis makes great cfiorts to persutule the artis-ans 
to return to France and conform. The amount sent annually 1o England. 
Some hawibhips. ord. Benefit from the men of education. ba\ary, 


rapin. Steam Encrino, Juptcl, Craverol, Mattonx, Du Manlin, Mai-mot, 
De Laiigle, Allix, Sauriu, Abaddie, Droz, and the first literary paper in 
Dublin. - • 441 



No treasurer enpplied the place of Colbert. The national debt begins, 
increases and becomes unmanageable. Prince of Orange gets the advan- 
tage of the money taken to Holland. By a loan fits out his army, and 
by the aid of the refugee soldiers gets the English crown. The League 
of Augsburg formed. The wars in the Low Countries. Treaty of Rys- 
wick, 1(;98. Troubles ot Louis XIV. portrayed by Massilon. Massacre 
of St. Bartholomew's denounced by Massilon. Literature of the age of 
Louis XIV. ; its omissions ; the force used to form the literature. Lit- 
erature of France under Loais XV. The active French mind turned to 
works of natural science. Natural Theology. Origin of the French 
Encyclopedia, from the work of Chambers. The writers in the Ency- 
clopedia. No one to answer them ; no works of the past to oppose 
their principles. Necessity for such writers as the Huguenots had been. 
Infidelity pervades the third estate, which had most Huguenots before 
tliQ revocation, Lat-t speech of Louis XIV. to his young successor. 
Literature of Louis XVI. Calling of the States General in 1789, after an 
interval of one hundred and seventy-five years; the proportion of the 
three estates. Power of the 'third estate. Individuals and nations 
revoke their opinions. Massillon renounces St. Eartho]omew''s M'ork, 
but praises the King for the revocation. Bossruet piaises Le Tellier. 
His oi)inion of the Prince of Orange. The need of Louis XVI. for help 
from the third estate. Mountaineers of the Cevenncs. An toine Court j 
his woik in Lausanne. Paul Rabaut. his son J(>an Paul Rabaut, a mem- 
ber of the States General, president of the convention of 1793, i)erished 
on the scafiold Pierre Jos(>i)h Marie Barnave a member of the conven- 
tion ; accompanies the King on his return to Paris ; becomes a friend of 
the King; writes his answer lor him; is beheaded, and the Revolution 
goes on. ---....--- 464 



Th(! Admiral Colligny in 1.555 sent Villegagnon with a colony to Brazil ; it 
proved a fai hi re. In 15(12 he sent Jean Ribault to Florida. A fort is built 
at Port Royal, in South Carolina, and left the first colony of civilized 
people in North America. Colony broken up, Coligny sent the third 
under Landonniere to the river St. John's ; the colony dcs-troyed by Pedro 
M<lendez, and left n Sjianis-h colony in its place. This Sinmish colony 
destroyed, 15(n, by Do Gourgcs. Conduct of the French court on the 
events. -----..--. 502 




Early i=ettlement of the Dutch. The first Governor, in 1623, a Huguenot? 
the first birth in New Amsterdam was in a Huguenot family. Public 
documents in French, English, and Dutch; the French language yields 
precedence to the Dutch. Kingston assailed by the Indians. Domine 
Blom's account of the sulferiugs of the people. Mrs. Dubois saved by 
singing the 13Tth Psalm. New Pall z : origin of the name ; patent for it ; 
patentees Huguenots; price paid for the country; emigrate to it, 1677. 
Anecdotes of the emigrants, Bevier and Hasbonrg. A church building ; 
an old Bible. The colonists determine to speak Dutch to their children. 
New Rochelle settled. Anecdote of an emigrant. The emigrants wor- 
ship in New York. Daniel Bondet the first minister. Staten Island. 
Anecdotes of the first settlers. Names. A church in the city of NeW 
York; a new one erected; MakemiC preaches in it. The French co- 
ak see with the Dutch and English congregations. Displeasure, of the 
King of France. The plans of his ofllcers to destroy the colonists. The 
King asks for galley slaves. Project to destroy New England and New 
York. Schenectady assaulted, 1680. Course of the Jesuits. The Iro- 
quois always friendly to the colonists. The taking of Quebec brings 
peace. Dutch and French become intermingled. The consistory of the 
French Church in New York, Their last application for a French 
preacher. - - - - » » • - --504 



Emii^rants from Rochelle; in 1662 they were numerous in Boston. The 
city resolves to protect them against the decree of the French King. Elie 
Nean, in 1679; a large emigra':ion in 1685; a grant of land made them 
near Worcester. Daniel Bondet their first minister. Colony broken up 
by the Indians ; Bondet goes to New Rochelle. A church was b'uilt in 
Boston for the emigrants in 1686; the first Huguenot pastor was named 
Dailie. The French go south. Faneuil Hall and Bowdoin College. - - 517 



The first ])ermancnt Protestant colony in America was Virginia. Church 
and State connected by law. First act to encourage others than English- 
men to settle in the colony, 1657. John Johnson, a Dutchman, natural- 
ized. Another act, 1671 ; persons naturalized under this act ; the act 
revised in 1681. First record of permission to preach in the colony 
granted to one not of the English Church, 16!)9, to Francis Makemie. 
Act of Toleration overlooked in Virginia. The King invites the Hugue- 
nots to settle in Virginia. Act of Toleration of 1688 not admitted in 


direct terms. An act of VW. for snppre??ins crimen, in a proviso arlmits 
the Act of Toleration. In 1705 the law and jHovi'^o amended. On thia 
proviso Davics and his brethren get permission to preach. In 1700, a 
direct act in iavour of the French. The proviso in 170o. These the fir.-t 
and only toleration acts before the Revolution. Beverly's account of 
the colony at Manakin. The colonists endenvour to introduce the pro- 
ductions and manufactures of France. Jnstirmountable dittu-ulties. 
Robert Boiling lays off 5000 acres for the colony. Colonists discontented 
and many remove to the river Trent, in North Carolina. The fiist 
preacher. De Richcbourg. 5000 more acres laid off, and to bo divided 
out in portions of 133 acres. Richcbourg remove* to Trent, in North 
Carolina. . t)isturbed by the Indians, they remove to South Carolina. 
Dies there. Colonist-* at Manakin toAvn scatter off to the neighbouring 
counties for more land. tJi-eof geneological tables. Names of colonists 
as far as preserved. Other Frer.c'.i families in Virginia, number ol' Mhich 
was greater than that of the colony at Manakin town. A philosophiciil 
enquiry. - » - .... ,. . >. . .521 



The peculiarities of the emigrants to be noticed: 1st, Abraham Micheaux, 
and his Avifc, Susannah Rochette. Both fly from France to Holland. 
Sisters of Susannah go first; adventures on the way; arrested; finally 
escape. Susannah goes over in a vessel, escaping from France in a hogs- 
head The parents visit them in Holland ; Susannah marries ; the fixmily 
removes to Virginia; stay first in Stafford con '^ty, and then remove to 
the Jalnes river; their children. The three families connected most par- 
ticularly with them: 2d, the Venable family ; origin and emigration; 
their residence in Virginia; 3d, the Morton family ; origin and conn ec- 
tioii with the Micheaux family by the Woodsons; 4th, the Watkins fam- 
ily; its origin, and connexions. Families connected with these by 
marriage. 5th. The Dupny family; anecdotes of their ancestry in France ; 
tlieir connexion with the court of France; cause of leaving France; 
circumstances of the flight; his wife goes as his valet. Emigration to 
America. Some anecdotes of the family. Families connected by mar- 
riage, fith. The Fontaine and Maury families; their ancestry; the various 
circumstances of the family; scmic remain firm, and some conform to 
the Romish church; cause of Fontaine's arrest; the trial of the neigh- 
bours for holding meetings; all imprisoned; the forms of hi ^ trial ; no 
advocate; the confrontation ; the recolement; the factum; the sentence 
Is reversed; the dragonades; meetings for consul'ation ; crowds get 
ready to cross the seas; Mr. Fontaine visits his relations; some had ab- 
jured ; gets ready to escape ; goes to Trembladc ; great diflSculties in the . 
way; conceals himself and com.pany; finally escajics; anecdotes of the 
escape; reaches Knglnnd ; supports himself by teaching; is ordained, 
in KW. to i)reach the gospel as a minister of the Reformed French ; plan 
of preaching and teaching for a sui)port; his sons marry and emigiafc 


to Virginia; his daughlor, Mary Anne, marries Matthew Maury, and 
emigrates to Virginia ; the families connected with the emigrants. 7th. 
The Jacqueline laraily settle at Jamestown ; the sons die ; the daughters 
marry and raise lamilies; Richard Ambler; John Marshall. 8th. The 
Moncure family, in Staflbrd county; Mrs. Governor Wood; the high 
standing of tlie family. 9th. The Micou family ; Paul Micou prepares 
for the bar; settles on the Rappahannock; his tomb-stone; his family 
connexions; his character. lOth. The Latane family; Mr. Latane be- 
comes minister of South Farham Parish; his course of preaching; diffi- 
culties in his path; his descendants ; an anecdote. 11th. The Cazeuove 
family ; its ancestry ; their flight to Switzerland ; circumstances of their 
living there; their emigration to America; settle in Alexandria ; other 
branches of the family settle in New York. 12th. The Mauzy family ; his 
escape Irom France in a hogshead ; settles in Fauquier ; his descendants. 
13th. The Lacy family ; circumsiances of emigration ; join the colony at 
Manakin town; the descendants; Drury looses a hand, is educated, be- 
comes a Presbyterian minister; his descendants; two sons in the minis- 
try; his two daughters marry ministers; William J. Iloge, his death, 
his ministry, --.....-. 540 



Port Royal ; Ashley river ; Charlestown ; New Charleston ; some French 
in the colony ; others come over ; a company in 1680 ; South Carolina 
becomes the home of the Huguenots; trials of the early emigrants; 
Count Avaux endeavours to hinder emigrants from Holland ; his letter; 
another letter ; a third letter ; Isaac Mazicq ; James II. of England sends 
over 600 Huguenots, and gives an outfit ; emigrants choose Charleston 
for a home ; first pastor, Elias Prioleau ; the colony of Orange Quarter ; 
Strawberry Ferry ; colony on the Santee ; Jamestovra ; French Santee ; 
minister Pierre Robert ; the strong attachment to their language and 
mother country ; the application of 400 families to be permitted to colo- 
nize in Louisiana, as Huguenots, refused by Count Ponchartrain ; with 
reluctance the Huguenots abandon all idea of being ever a French col- 
ony, and began to assimilate to ihe English colonists ; colony of Swiss ; 
pastor Gilbert leads another colony ; 1697, an act of naturalization passed ; 
the Huguenots embrace its provisions ; they prosper, use slaves, enter 
all the departments ot civil life ; some names of early settlers ; the spirit 
of the Huguenots in South Carolina; they excel in agriculture ; a tra- 
veller's opinion; Huguenots active in defending the State; their course 
in the Revolution ; their history would fill volumes ; the Huguenot 
women famous for their patriotism ; the French language slowly passes 
away ; the descendants of the Hugaenots become mingled with the vari- 
ous English congregations of diflerent denominations ; their religious 
spirit ; position in political life ; a history of the Huguenots in South 
Carolina involves a history of the State. - - - - - - - 590 



The Conpessiox op Faith op 1559, in Forty Ap.ticles. - - c- 605 
compend op the articles op discipline. -,---. 624 
The Confession op Sins, from an old French Bible. ... tj27 


About half a million of Frenchmen became refugees 
from the tyranny of Louis XIV., the most splendid mon- 
arch of the age. They left France, the latter part of the 
1 7th century ; and were received with open arms by the 
Protestant nations of Europe. Many came to the British 
provinces in America. Of these the larger portion found 
a home in South Carolina ; some on the banks of the 
Trent, in North Carolina ; a large number of families 
settled in Virginia, on the James and Rappahannock 
rivers ; some on the banks of the Delaware, in Pennsyl- 
vania and New Jei*sey ; and some in Maryland. The an- 
cient colonies of French in New York, on Long Island, 
and along the North River, received important access- 
ions ; and Massachusetts welcomed them to Boston, as 
she had done the emigrants many years preceding, and 
to the neighbourhood of Worcester. 

The flight of this body of people from France forms 
an epoch in the history of that nation, and in the annals 
of the Protestant church. The peculiarities of these 
refugees still remain, intermingled with the character- 
istics of the people of their adopted homes, and have 
aided in forming the character and influence of the com- 
mon country. 

The immediate cause of their flight is found in the 
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, and the pre- 
liminary movements for the twenty years preceding. 
To understand the Edict of Nantes, we must know some- 



tJiing of tliat series of wars that resulted in putting the 
crown of France on the head of Henry of Navarre, the 
IV. of France, and the first of the Bourbons, and gave 
occasion for that Edict. 

To understand the cause of these wars, we are carried 
l)ack to the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day, in August, 
1572 ; and that bloody deed is explained in some good de- 
gree by the acts of the Reformed of France, in the year 
1559, when the organization of their Church was com- 
pleted. And the necessity for that organization is learned 
from the condition of France in the 15th century. 

Beginning then with the revival of literature, science 
and religion, in France, as the head-springs, we may fol- 
low the stream of events, widening and deepening, as 
it flows through beauty and fertility, wilderness, rocks 
and mountains, through narrows, over cataracts, ever 
presenting something new and wonderful, something 
grand and glorious, explaining philosophy, metaphysics, 
and prophesy itself ; we shall find ourselves instructed in 
the history of our race, and become more familiar with 
the ways of God to man. 

The Reformed in France sought a purer and higher 
state of things than the world any where presented ; 
and they sought successfully, if elevated morals, pure 
religion and comfort in living, are a success of earnest 
labours. Scattered over France, they were bound 
together, by their principles of religion, by the discipline 
of their church, and by their forms of worship. They 
never had from their king more than the ordinary pro- 
tection of common citizens ; and often were deprived of 
that : yet they flourished, by increase of numbers and 
by the influence of purity of life. 

The name Huguenot is of political origin, and of 
Swiss extract, and probably of Genevan birth. It is 


supposed to mean Confederate, and was applied to those 
who leagued together, or confederated, to preserve their 
civil liberties against the encroachments of the nobles, 
and the authorities of the Romish Church. It became 
a distinctive word or class-phrase, embracing a variety 
of sub-divisions; as men of different occupations and 
standing in life were leagued together for the support of 
their common civil liberties, or rights of a town, or city, 
or province : the Leaguers, the Huguenots. 

This word Huguenot was not applied to the Reformed 
Church of France as a distinctive epithet till about the 
year 1560. About that time it became evident that the 
royal family of France, in the line of the Valois, was 
about to become extinct, with the children of' Catherine 
de Medici, who were passing away and leaving no lawful 
heirs.^ ^ A large, and ultimately the successful portion of 
the citizens of France was in favour of the Bourbon 
branch of the royal house, represented by the King of 
Navarre; and the crown actually came to Prince Henry, 
the grandchild of Margaret, sister of Francis I. 

This political party had its greatest strength from the 
members of the Reformed French Church, and those 
who, not members in communion, favoured a reform in 
the Church of France; and its organization was mod- 
elled after the discipline of the Reformed Church, with 
its smaller meetings, its provincial assemblies, and its 
National Assembly. They maintained that the Bourbon 
branch was the lawful line, and that this line was most 
favourable to civil and religious liberty. The term. Hu- 
guenot, was applied to the whole political party; and as 
applied to the Reformed, as a religious body, it was 
mtended as a term of reproach. It soon became a class 
word, and was nearly, or quite, synonymous with Re- 
former. This political organization was kept entirely 


distinct from the religious, each having its own officers 
and leaders, and each its own appropriate duties. A 
Refoi-mer in religion was, as a general thing, a Huguenot 
in politics, an advocate of the Bourbon branch of roy- 
alty. And a Huguenot in politics, a supporter of the 
Bourbon branch, if he had any religious prepossessions, 
was very generally a Reformer. 

Wlien Prince Henry of Navarre became Henry IV. 
of France, he issued the Edict of Nantes for the pro- 
tection of the Huguenots, both politically and religiously. 

Cardinal Richlieu, Prime Minister of Louis XHI., 
captured the city of Rochelle, the stronghold of the 
Huguenots, and about the year 1628 totally broke up 
their political organization, and forbid their political as- 
semblies. The religious organization was left as the 
bond of union for the Reformed in religion, and the 
Huguenots in politics ; and by means of the National 
Synod, there was a way of presenting their memorials 
and complaints to the King. 

The National Synod, after an existence of more than 
one hundred years, was, in the year 1660, peremptorily 
forbidden to assemble. Encroachments were rapidly made 
on the })rivileges of the provincial synods, the colloquies, 
and the consistories. The bond of union at last for the 
Reformed, or Huguenots, was in the Bible, their Confes- 
sion of Faith, their Book of Discipline, and their forms 
of worship. 

Tlie annulling of the Edict of Nantes by Louis XIV., 
was designed to j)ut an end to the separate existence of 
the mIioIc body, whether named Reformed, or Huguenot. 
By the action of the repeal, there was given the Hugue- 
not a choice of three things : 1st. Abjuration of his 
religion ; 2nd. Continued persecution to death ; 8rd. 


Exile. Some were destroyed ; some abjured, and about 
half a million went into exile. 

For the existence of the facts recorded in this volume 
the author is in no way responsible. They are, however, 
verities that can be established by the best historic evi- 
dence. He is accountable for the selection of facts and 
for the manner of their grouping, and the mipartiality 
and correctness of the quotations. To have given the 
authorities for all the facts gathered would have been 
burdensome to the reader, and generally useless. From 
the commencement of the reform till the exile from 
France, the selection has been made from printed docu- 
ments. From the exile onward, unpublished manuscripts 
and traditions have freely lent their aid. For his taste 
and judgment in using these materials, the author is 
amenable to public opinion, and hopes a favourable decis- 
ion. For the principal facts, however, the authority is 
given in the course of the narrative. 

The circumstances in which these chapters were pre- 
pared, were full of trouble. The author had his share of 
them. But having, in the providence of God, an oppor- 
tunity of gathering the facts here stated, he found a 
solace for many a sorrowful hour, in putting them in their 
present form. The principles and examples here pre- 
sented may cheer other grieving hearts, and encourage 
the desponding. 





The Revival of Rolicrion and Literature in France provion.sly to 
A. D. 1520— Wiieu the Court ol France became upposed to 
Reform in Religion. 

LUTlffiR, by bis bold and successful attack upon 
the errors and misdoings of his age, won for 
himself a place in history, as the leader of the Revival 
of Religion and Literature and Morality in Germany, 
in the early part of the sixteenth century. Wliile the 
darkness was yet broo(hng on the mind, and super- 
stition dwelt in the heart of this young German, the 
true hght had guilded the summit of the Alps, and 
was reflected to the soul of William Farel from the 
godly hfe, earnest devotion, amiable demeanour, and 
learned teaching of Lefevre, professor of Theology in 
the University of Paris. 

The great discoveries of Columbus and Vasco De 
Gania, at the close of the fifteenth century, revealing 
the hitherto unknown Western World, and opening 
the Ion 2: desired ]>assage to the ancient East, presented 



to men's thoughts vast subjects of contemplation ; and 
to their passions and desires boundless means of en- 
joyment. Men of all nations were aroused to look 
for something gi-eater and better than the existing 
state of the world, in any of the forms of society. 
In every department of knowledge there were im- 
provements and additions, and many new foundations 
laid. The principles of politics and religion were sub- 
mitted to a rigid examination. Changes began, and 
men desired more and greater. It was one of those 
eras in human events, when the course of things long 
flowing in a time-worn channel, begins to turn under 
the guidance of an unseen and mighty hand. Awaked 
by the shock men earnestly enquire the causes of the 
commotion, and the end of the disturbed state of 
things ; and feel that they are swept along by a mul- 
titude of second causes, all guided by the mysterious 
and mighty providence of God. 

Before the close of the fifteenth century, one day the 
amiable Professor Lefevre said to his young pupil Farel, 
**My dear William, God will renew the world; and you 
will see it." Dissatisfied with his own attainments in re- 
ligion, and with the standard of knowledge and piety 
around him, he had begun to drink from the pure 
fountain of the Gospel of Christ in the original lan- 
guage, and was giving out liberal draughts to those 
attending upon his instructions. 

France had often been agitated about the leading 
doctrine of spiritual exercises, faith — the faith that 
saves the soul. At short intervals through all the 
dark ages France heard the pure gospel in some of 
her provinces and cities. Among others the Wal- 


denses had stood prominent in their testimony for the 
true faith ; and in the mountains of Savoy, and in 
the soutliern provinces, there were often gathered 
many converts who openly renounced the errors pre- 
vaiUng under the protection of the Romish church. 
And as often had the Romish church prevailed, by 
the strong arm of military power, to the temporal 
ruin and violent death of multitudes of those who 
sought a better way of living. The last bloody per- 
secution preceding the revival of religion and litera- 
ture in France, was under the direction of Pope Inno- 
cent VIII. On the 27th of April, 1487, that Pontiff 
issued his command for the extermination both of the 
descendants and converts, of the Waldenses along 
the slopes of the Dauphinese Alps, and in the south 
of France. An army of 18,000 men, accompanied by 
volunteers to share the plunder, drove those poor, but 
sincere Christians from their homes, and hunted them 
among the forests and rocks of the mountains. Re- 
mission of sins in full was promised to all assisting in 
this crusade. Those that lived near and refused to 
aid in the work of destruction, were denounced as 
heretics and accomplices. In the progress of the 
campaign, the King of Arragon lost his crown and 
his life, in the defence of his subjects ; and the counts 
of Thoulouse, Beziers and Carcassone, were butch- 
ered, with multitudes of their dependents. The cru- 
sade was continued, on the Italian side of the Alps, 
till the armed bands were wearied with cruelty and 
slaughter. France seemed to be enshrouded in the 
darkness of ignorance and self-indulgence. But all 
Europe was awaking ; and France felt a movement 


througliout her provinces. The eiiquuy about the 
faith that saves the soul began again at the close of 
the fifteenth century, and never ceased, though perse- 
cution raged under the papal and the infidel powers 
with various degrees and forms of violence, from tlie 
])urning of a solitary martyr, to the torrents of blood 
riowing from the guillotine. 

Wlien Francis I., son of Charles of Orleans, and 
Louis of Savoy, received tlie crown of France from 
his father-in-law, Louis XIL, in 1515, learning was 
reviving iu the kingdom. Lefevre taught the language 
of the ^ew Testament in the course of his theological 
instructions in tlie University, lie stood in the first 
rank of Professors. Erasmus reckoned him aiuong 
the ablest scholars of the day. Francis oli'ered him- 
self the patron of learnuig and learned men. He 
desired to enlarge the bounds of literature and know- 
ledge, for the glory of his court ; and cared little l)y 
what means or persons, or on what subjects this 
enlargement took place. Untroubled by doubts and 
fears, religion in his eyes was an instrument of politi- 
cal advantage. France had a form of worshij) ; the 
King would not trouble himself to put it down or 
change it. Had there been no form, it is not proba- 
ble he would have made any eifort to uitroduce one. 
h\ the early i>art of his reign, he had little care or 
thought about making or checking any changes 
that did not interfere with his interests or pleasures. 
Louis XIL, his father-in-law, had endeavoured to 
linut the [K)wer of the Fope in France. The parlia- 
ment sustained him in two positions: 1st, that he 
might enforce the acts of a General Council, against 


the will of the Pope ; that is, that the Pope is in- 
ferior to a General Council of the Church : 2d, that 
he might carry on war with the Pope acting as a King 
or temporal Sovereign ; and that he owed obedience 
to the Pope and council only in things belonging to 
the spiritual concerns of the people. And on these 
matters he continued to exercise his supreme author- 
ity ; for in passing through Daupheny in 1501, some 
of the nobility besought him to clear the province of 
Waldenses. He sent his Confessor Parvi to inquire 
into the condition of the accused. Hearing the re- 
port of his minister, Louis exclaimed, '*They are 
better Christians than we are," and ordered the goods 
taken from them to be returned. His successor, 
Francis, came in military collision with the Pope, the 
very first year of his reign , and having gained a victory at 
Marignon, he entered into a treaty with the Pontitf. The 
Chancellor, Anthony Duprat, a man more rapacious 
than the King was dissolute, managed the negotia- 
tions. It was proposed that the position of his father 
concerning the Pope should be reversed, and the Pope 
be declared superior to a General Council ; and that 
for this concession the Pope should yield to the King 
the right to fill all the bishopricks and livings of his 
kingdom as they became vacant. Francis consented , 
and said to the Chancellor, while waiting in Bolonga 
for Leo X. to ratify this concordat — *'This is enough 
to damn us both." The agi^eement was confirmed, 
and the income of the large possessions of the Rom- 
ish church in France was now in the gift of the King 
without dispute. He was, as far as he desired, head 
of the Church in France. The bishops and all im- 


portaiit officers of the Church were appointed at the 
will of the King and his dissolute court. Francis 
was faithless to his father and to his people ; and ex- 
alted the Pope in authority to elevate his own. The 
Pope gained the King ; and his court and the Romish 
church became indissoluble. 

Charles V. became King of Spain, with her vast 
dependencies in Europe and America, in 1516. lie 
was firmly attached to the Romish doctrines and wor- 
sliip. In the election of Emperor in 1519 he pre- 
vailed against his rival, the King of France, and 
received the crown of the German empire. lie as- 
pired to be more completely the head of the Cliurch, 
in Spain and Germany, than Francis was in his king- 
dom, lie desired the papacy that he might unite the 
supreme spiritual authority of the Romish church 
over all the nations of Europe, with his two temporal 
crowns. His ambition grasped at a splendid but un- 
attainable prize. Luther and his companions had 
nothing to offer in conciliation of the Emperor. They 
seemed to him to be labouring to despoil his desired 
prize of its beauty. Could his experience of the 
vanity of his desires, which came upon him in the 
latter part of his life, have enlightened his youth, he 
might have dealt less severely with the Reformers. 
He yielded them no protection, no favour. Two con- 
siderations, urged by Luther and his friencfs, gained 
the attention of the princes of Germany and their 
subjects: 1st, the short, simple proposition he put 
forth condemning the errors of the Romish church, 
and bringing out the true doctrine of the faith that 
saves the soul, which he urged always and every 


where with vehemence ; 2d, the great domestic tyranny 
and political injustice exercised over Germany by tlio 
immense sums collected and carried to Home, and 
particularly by the manner of their collection, the 
sale of indigencies, which were all a cheat. The 
princes could not prove the propositions false ; and 
were wiUing to heUeve that the charge of tyranny and 
falsehood in the collections was true. The earnest 
man addressed himself to their conscience and their 
interest, their spiritual welfare and their national 
independence ; and he gained his cause against the 
Pope and the Emperor. 

The King of France held in his kingdom, by vari- 
ous means, more complete dominion than the Empe- 
ror could ever obtain in his vast disjointed possessions. 
Francis, careless of the claims of religion that im- 
peded the indulgence of his appetites, in possession 
of the revenues of the Church for the purchase or 
reward of favourites, and swaying the morals and 
religion of those around him, gave full license to 
his desires ; and by his example led his courtiers to 
very moderate views of the purity of religion, and 
to the free indulgence of their desires. But one per- 
son in the royal family or among the courtiers received 
in sincerity the Gospel of Christ as presented by those 
who promoted the Revival of Religion and Literature. 
The works presenting the new views of religion were 
freely circulated and read as works of literary merit, 
and applauded for the taste and talent exhibited, and 
held a place among the beautifully bound books of 
the court. The King's sister, :Margaret, was moved 
by the great truths presented ; and early became a con- 


vert. Iler tlue natural abilities had been sedulously 
cultivated by lier father. She had been a companion 
of her brotlier Francis in all his studies ; and shared the 
attention of the able teachers employed to prepare the 
Dauphin for his royal position. The course of educa- 
tion made him the patron of letters and the politest 
man in the politest court of Europe. It prepared her 
to run a race of solitary excellence as a King's daugh- 
ter, a King's sister, a King's wife, a professor of practi- 
cal piety, a patroness of literature, and a firm friend of 
the ministers of the new views of religion. In person 
lovely, in manners captivating, in disposition amiable, 
in morals pure ; she moved like an angel of light in 
the midst of a licentious court, the admiration of all. 
Considering her position, young, the solitary believer 
in the faith thtit saves the soul, admired for the varied 
excellences of mind and heart, and accomplishments 
of form and manners, maintaining her faith in her 
varied positions, asserting her royal birth and privi- 
leges, and rejecting whatever she thought opposed to 
a heavenly life, she is evidently the most lovely wo- 
man of the age ; and may be truly ranked among the 
most remarkable persons of the llcformation in 
Europe. Early impressed with religious things, she 
cultivated a S})irit of devotion in which the supersti- 
tions of the age did not seem to mingle. From them, 
like her frcetliinking brother, she had always been 
free ; like him, had she not been a true Christian, 
she would have been a freethinker in religious mat- 
ters. The simpUcity of the Gospel charmed her. 
For her brother Francis she cherished the tenderest 
alfection ; and in return always held a firm hold upon 


his heart. In the early part of his reign he hstened 
kindly to the sister he desired to gratity, as she strove 
with earnestness and attection to win him to the pure 
faith in Christ. The obstacle to his faith was, not his 
inclhiation to the forms and peculiar doctrines of the 
Romish church, but his disinclination to adopt the 
pure life required by the Gospel, as explained by 
his sister and the Reformers. lie loved his pure 
sister, and held to his dissolute life. He permitted 
her to associate with the Reformers, as members 
of her household ; and to embrace and defend their 
doctrines, as private opinions of a literary and meta- 
physical nature, that became the spirit of the age, 
and the court of a patron of all improvem(Jnts. His 
inner life was entirely unaffected by their pure doc- 
trines and consistent lives. 

For a time Margaret found an associate in Phili- 
berta, of Savoy, a young sister of her mother. In 
confirmation of the concordat with Leo X., Francis 
had given her, in marriage, to Julian the Magnificent, 
brother of the Pope, and commander of his army. She 
was left a widow at eighteen. Attached to Margaret, 
she listened to the consolations of the new faith, and 
in them found comfort. Sincerely devout, pure in her 
morals and her habits, she read, with increasing hi- 
terest, the evangelical writings circulated by the Re- 
formers at Meaux. "1 have," says Margaret, **all 
the tracts you have sent me, of which my aunt of 
Nemours has her part, and I will forward her the last, 
for she is at Savoy, at her brother's wedding, which is 
no light loss to me, wherefore I beseech you to have 
pity on my loneliness." This lady passed away in 


early life, dying in the year 1524 at the ago of twen- 
ty-six, favouring a reform in the doctrine and practice 
of the Church of Eome. The establishment of a 
separate communion was thought of by few ; Keform- 
ation was desired by many. 

The carelessness of Francis on matters of religion 
left his kingdom open to the progress of the revival in 
religion and literature which in France were indisso- 
lubly united. Briconnet, Bishop of Meaux, preached 
the doctrine of salvation, full and free, by faith in the 
Lord Jesus Christ alone. It made rapid progress in 
the parishes of his diocese. From Meaux the printed 
tracts and living ministers went abroad wherever they 
found a welcome ; and for a time the word of God 
had free course, and multitudes professed faith in the 
Lord Jesus. In the south of France where the doc- 
trines of the Waldenses and their cruel sufferings 
were not forgotten, tracts and the living ministers car- 
ried the knowledge of salvation by faith, and multi- 
tudes gave a welcome reception. 

This liberty enjoyed in France induced Luther, in 
the midst of his troubles in Germany, to contemplate 
a temporary residence in the dominions of the French 

Lefevre translated the Gospels and the Epistles of 
the New Testament from the original Greek into 
French, and published them in the months of October 
and November 1522. This translation was republished 
at Meaux, at the house of Cohn, in 1524 ; and a 
French translation of the Psalms was added in 1525. 
These sacred books were widely circulated in Franca 
Keiid in families and in private closets, they were 


their own expositors. Short treatises by the Reform- 
ers in France, Switzerland and Germany were eagerly 
read ; and the cry for a reformation in the church was 
heard from every quarter. A copy of the Epistles of 
Paul, splendidly illuminated, was sent by the Bishop 
of Meaux to Margaret, as a present to her brother 
the King. ** They are," wrote the bishop, " a royal 
dish, fattening without corruption, and healing all 
manner of sickness. The more we taste them the 
more we hunger after them, with desire unsatiable 
and that never clogs." Francis received the present 
as the production of a learned Frenchman, and an 
evidence of the advancement of literature in his king- 
dom. There is no evidence that he gave the Epistles 
more than a verv cursory perusal. Michael Arande 
was at that time in Paris translating portions of the 
Scripture for the King's mother, which she recieved, 
like her son, as a compliment to her taste, and the 
learning of the court. 

The Komish priesthood became alarmed. The 
foiTns and ceremonies of their Church w^ere in danger. 
Lefevre had been preaching at Meaux — that ** kings, 
princes, nobles, people, all nations, should think of and 
aspire after Christ alone. Every priest should resem- 
ble that archangel whom John saw^ in the apocalypse, 
flying through the air holding the everlasting gospel 
in his hand and carrying it to every people and nation 
and tongue. Come ye pontiffs, come ye kings, come 
ye generous hearts, the word of God is all-sufficient." 
One day, in the hearing of the papal partisans, he 
expressed his joyful anticipations — "The gospel is 
already gaining the hearts of the great, and of the 


people ; and in a short time, spreading over all France," 
it will every where throw down the inventions of 
men." His friends present shared in the enthusiasm 
of the old man. Roma, a monk, started up and ex- 
claimed: ** Then I and all the other religionists will 
preach a crusade ; we will raise the people ; and if 
the King permits the preaching of your Gospel, we 
Avill expel him from his kingdom hy his own subjects." 
The monks present applauded. 

The gathering discontent at the propagation of the 
doctrine of salvation by faith in Christ alone, and of 
the sufficiency of the Scriptures, now broke out. 
These monks w^ent from house to house, where they 
could find entrance, and declared — *' These new teach- 
ers are heretics ; they are attacking the holiest ob- 
servances, and the most sacred mysteries of the 
Church. Crush the heresy, or the pestilence, which is 
already desolating the city of Meaux, will spead over 
the whole kingdom." Unable to meet the question 
of reform by argument and appeal to the Bible, the 
monks alarmed the prejudices of the people, aroused 
their passions, and thus awakened the fears of the 
King and nobles for the political welfare of the king- 
dom. Noel Beda, of the Sorbonne, was most vehe- 
ment in opposing the doctrines of Justification by 
faith alone, and the suiliciency of the Scriptures, 
without the decrees of councils ; and was successful 
in exciting public uneasiness about the immediate in- 
Ihicnce and ultimate tendency of these important 

Franeis was fond of listening to literary discussions,, 
and [U'cnuoted them for his amusement and improve- 


ment. These discussions took a theological turn, 
and became pvactical. The partisans of the Romish 
church urged the suspicious tendency of the new doc- 
trines ; that ihey imphed revolution, and conseciuentiy 
endangered his crown ; that Lefevre, and Farel, and 
the Bishop of Meaux taught doctrines fraught with dan- 
ger to the political welfare of France. While Francis 
smiled contempt aously on a charge of heresy brought 
against Lefevre for teaching that — *' there were three 
Marys mentioned in the Gospels"— and ordered it to 
be dismissed, he expressed openly and strongly his 
fears that the new teachers were endangering his pri- 
vate enjoyments, and his powers as a King ; and even 
the crown itself. The teachers thought it advisable 
to withdraw from the court, first to Meaux, and then 
to Switzerland, and the Netherlands, and then to Ger- 
many. The Bishop of Meaux, pressed hard by the 
monks and the parhament of Paris, made retraction 
of the doctrines of reform, and promised to inculcate 
the doctrines of Rome. 

After the learned men had mostly withdrawn from 
France, the King permitted some persons, in the 
humbler conditions of life, to be tried by the Eccle- 
siastical courts, for their belief in the doctrines of 
Justification by faith in Christ alone ; and the sulli- 
ciency of the Scriptures without the -decrees of coun- 
cils ; and these being condemned, he sutfered them 
to be burned. But while Le Clerc, the wool-comber, 
was consigned to the flames, Berquin, a gentleman of 
the court, *'the most learned of the nobles," accused 
of writing and speaking against the doctrines and 
forms of Rome, was rescued by the authority of the 


King, who sent an officer for liira with orders to 
break the doors of the Ecclesiastical prison if he were 
not delivered at his demand. The nobles had com- 
plained that the attack on Berqiim *'was aimed at 
literature, true religion, the nobility, chivalry ; nay, at 
the crown itself." **0f what is he accused?" said 
the King. '*0f blaming the custom of invoking the 
Virgin in place of the Holy Ghost. But Erasmus 
does the same. " Briconnet appeared before the Coun- 
cil and was acquitted. The King and the nobility w^ere 
willing to make distinction between the nobility and 
the common people, in the matters of literature and 
rehgion. Tlie nobility might exercise their discre- 
tion, but the common people must confine themselves 
to their various callings in life, or sutler the pains and 
penalties of the Church of Rome, for meddling with 
things of religion too deep for them, and foreign to 
their calling. It was their duty to be instructed by 
the priests, and to believe as they were taught. 

The Bishop of Meaux, though of the nobility, was 
left as an officer of the Church of Rome to answer to 
her courts for his doctrines and his conduct. They 
condemned his course ; and he recanted to save his 
life, which he saw was in danger. Had he remained 
firm to his convictions there would have been a trial 
of the King, whether he would have suffered a noble 
to be burnt for conscience' sake, or would have pro- 
claimed freedom of discussion and belief for the 
Ecclesiastics who were of noble blood. His firmness 
would have decided a great question : If the King 
maintained the Bishop, then there must be a reform 
iu the Church ; if he abandoned him, and the eccle- 


siastical court had proceeded in her course, (to shod 
his blood,) then the wide-spread iiiiideUty of the king- 
dom, as well as all the reformed, would have cried out 
airainst Kome as the Mother of Abominations. The 
Bishop's courage failed him, and he recanted what 
he had professed. This faihire of Briconnet to meet 
the crisis boldly, for the sake of the Church and of 
the kingdom at large, was a grief to Margaret, to the 
reformed in France and Germany, to many of the 
nobles who desired freedom of thought, and a perpet- 
ual sorrow to himself. He could not prosecute the 
blessed work of preaching salvation by the faith of 
Christ alone ; and he lived on without the confidence 
of either of the two great parties dividing Frauce and 
all Europe. 

Switzerland and Germany now received from France 
refugees whose influence has been felt by succeeding 
ages. Farel, with many others, found a home at 
Basle, then the Athens of Switzerland, the chosen 
home of Erasmus, the most literary man of his age, 
the residence of the printer Fredonius, who laid all 
Europe under obligations for works of literature and 
theology. The people were delighted to find in the 
Frenchman from Paris so much learning and piety. 
*'He is strong enough," said they, ''to destroy the 
whole Sorbonne single handed." The boldness and 
occasional vehemence of Farel delighted them as 
much as the meekness and mildness of their own 
minister, (Ecolampadius. "0 my dear Farel," said 
the venerable minister of Basle, "I hope the Lord 
will make our friendship immortal; and our joy will 
only be greater when we shall be united at Christ's 


right hand. " '*0n every side," said Farol, *^mcn 
are sprin2;iDg up who devote all their powers and their 
lives to extend Christ's kingdom as widely as possi- 
ble." *'The faction," wrote Erasmus, **is spreading 
daily, and penetrating Savoy, Lorraine, and France." 
The city of Lyons, that had four hundred years 
before, heard the Gos[^el from Peter Waldo, became 
the centre of the reformed in France, after Paris had 
driven them from her streets. A merchant named 
Vaugus, and a gentleman named Anthony Blet, took 
the lead in rchgious matters. Michael de Arande, 
coming here in the train of Margaret, preached pub- 
licly and boldly the word of God. Crowds assem- 
bled to hear the court preacher. Another person in 
her train was of great use by his devotedness and 
prudence, Anthony Papillon, the lirst in France for 
his knowledge of the Gospel, head master of requests 
for the Dauphin, and a memljer of the great council. 
These men, not coniining themselves to the city, en- 
couraged all in the surrounding provinces, who con- 
fessed" Chnst ; and proclanned the Gospel in places 
wliere it liad never before l)een heard. In 1524 
Michael Arande visited ^NLacon, on the Soane, and 
obtained permission to preach in that city, afterwards 
so famous for its sutierings for the Go.^i>el. Du Blet 
was a bond of union between these places and Basle, 
and the nnnister Farel. The G(jsi)els and Epistles 
translated by Lefevre and printed in parcels, were 
revised by him, and printed at Basle in abundance, 
by funds from Lyons and Meaux and Metz. Colpor- 
teurs went through FiTuiche Comte, Lorraine, Bur- 
gundy, and places iidjoinnig, vvidi the New Testament 


ill French ; going from town to town, village to vil- 
lage, and house to house, ofiering the books at a 
cheap rate ; and tracts on the important doctrines of 
the Gospel were prepared and sent by Farel, from his 
mountain home, to various parts of France, in the 
more northern provinces. 

In Grenoble the Gospel had its advocates, its suc- 
cess, and its opposition. The pastor Selwille was 
much beloved. The people hstened as he proclaimed 
faith in Christ, and believed. Friar Maigret, a Dom- 
inican, became a convert ; and for his boldness in pro- 
claiming the faith in Christ, the officers of the Komish 
church sought to arrest him. He fled to Lyons. An ef- 
fort was then made to arrest the pastor Sebvihe himself. 
The friends of lleformation made great efforts to pre- 
vent it. Margaret besought her brother Francis to 
interfere. Many distinguished persons interceded for 
him ; among others the King's advocate. With dif- 
ficulty he was saved from the dungeons, on condition 
that he should be silent on the subject of Eeform. 
The King was slow to interfere for one not a noble 
hke Berquin, or a learned man like Leievre ; and un- 
willing to intercede for an Ecclesiastic offending tlie 
rules or officers of his order ; even nobles that took 
orders in the Romish church, might abide by the deci- 
sions of that Church. The King designed to be a 
patron of literature, and not of reform in religion. 
Papillon and Du Blet. visited Grenoble at this junc- 
ture, and proposed to Sebville to go to Lyons, and 
preach there with Arande and Maigret. He assented. 
Anemond wrote to Farel : '* Sebville is free, and will 
preach the Lent sermons at St. Paul's in Lyons." In 


preparation for the Lent sermons, Maigret preached 
with great boldness, *' The mystery of GodUncss, God 
manifest in the flesh," and justification by faith with- 
out works. He was arrested; and, notwithstanding 
the protection of the King's sister, Margaret, was 
dragged through the streets and thrown into prison. 

It was now evident that the King was annoyed by 
the efforts to reform the Romish church in France. 
His mind was filled with apprehensions that the suc- 
cess of the Reformers would interfere with his rights 
and pleasures, and expectations as a King. Margaret 
remained true to the faith. 

An event occurred in the latter part of the year 

1524, which gave to Margaret some hope of better 
things for her brother, and for those who wished a 
reform in the Romish church. A young and beloved 
daughter of Francis suddenly died. The danger of 
the child had been concealed from him. He dreamed 
that she said to him, "Farewell, my King; I am 
going to Paradise." Ills grief at her death was 
great. Rewrote to his sister, ** I would rather die 
than desire to have her in this w^orld contrary to 
the will of God, whose name be blessed." This 
pious expression afi'ected his sister, and remained in 
her memory to cherish a hope that a good work had 
begun in the heart of her brother. 

Another event occurred in the month of January 

1525, — the loss of the battle of Pavia, w^hich filled 
the court and the kingdom with mourning ; and in 
its consequences destroyed all hopes of a religious 
reform in the Romish church in France. The army 
of France was routed, and her King was taken pri- 


soner by the army of the Emperor Charles V. Charles, 
Duke de Alencon, the husband of Margaret, to whom 
she was married in 1509, in her seventeenth year, 
received a wound in the battle, which proved fatal 
in a few days. Francis was a captive and Margaret 
a widow. Francis writes to his mother, Louisa of 
Savoy, the Queen regent, ** All is lost, but our hon- 
our." Margaret lifted her heart to God, that His 
grace might abound in her loss. 

Anxious for the religious welfare of her brother, 
Margaret sends to Montmorency, a companion of his 
imprisonment, her copy of the Epistles of Paul, with 
a letter, desiring him to urge the King to read them. 

** My dear cousin: There is a certain very devout 
hermit, who for three years past has been urging a 
man whom I know, to pray God for the King, which 
he has done ; and he is assured that if it pleases the 
King by way of devotion, daily, when in his closet, 
to read the Epistles of St. Paul, he will be delivered 
to the glory of God ; for he promises in his gospel 
that whosoever loveth the truth, the truth shall make 
Mm free. And for as much as I think he has them 
not, I send you mine, begging you to entreat him, 
on my part, that he will read them ; and I firmly be- 
lieve that the Holy Ghost, which abideth in the letter, 
will do by him as gi-eat things, as He has done by 
those who wrote them ; for God is not less powerful 
or good than He has been, and His promises never 
deceive. He has humbled you by captivity ; but He 
has not forsaken you, giving you patience and hope 
in His goodness, which is always accompanied by 
consolation ; and a more periect knowledge of Him, 


which I am sure is better than the King evel* 
knows, having his mind less at hberty on account of 
the imprisonment of the body. 

Your Cousin, 


Whether Moutmorency or the King read the Epis- 
tles can never be known. The amiable Margaret 
performed her duty and relieved her own grief, and 
disclosed the fountain from which she drew her con- 
solation. Margaret went to Spain, by permission of 
Cliarles V., to comfort her brother in his confine- 
ment ; and by her attentions saved his life ; and by 
her representations to the Emperor, procured his lib- 
erty sooner than the Emperor's court designed. 

The Queen regent, Louisa of Savoy, the mother 
of Francis and Margaret, wrote immediately to the 
Pope, to gain his assistance against the Emperor. 
To gain his favour, she expressed her readiness to 
know his pleasure concerning the heretics in France. 
Beda, and his associates of the University, were busy 
conversing, haranguing, lamenting, threatening, and 
publishing exciting tracts against the. reformed and 
their leaders. **When I see," said Beda, ** these 
three men, Lefevre, Erasmus and Luther, in other 
respects endowed with so penetrating a genius, uniting 
and conspiring against meritorious works, and resting 
all the weight of salvation on faith alone, I am no 
longer astonished that thousands of men, seduced by 
these doctrines, have learned to say, * Why should I 
fast and mortify my body?' Let us banish from 
France these liateful doctrines of Grace. This neg- 
lect of good works is a fatal delusion from the devil." 


The Q ueen regent also wrote to the Sorbonne on 
the same snl)ject, to avert the charge of Beda and his 
associates, that she was favouring the new doctrines. 
The Pope Hstened to the cry of these men about 
heresy, and welcomed the application for help from 
the Queen against the Emperor, already too strong 
for the Roman Pontiff. Forthwith means were in 
operation to extirpate, if possible, heresy from France. 
This union of the court of Rome and the court of 
France forms an epoch in the history of the kingdom, 
in political and ecclesiastical matters. In reply to the 
request of the Queen regent, the Pope gave immedi- 
ate orders for the introduction of the Inquisition into 
the religious affairs of the kingdom ; and addressed 
the parliament on the subject. The parliament ad- 
dressed the Regent: ** Heresy has raised its head 
among us, and the King, by neglecting to brhig the 
heretics to the scaffold, has drawn down the wrath 
of heaven upon the nation." The parliament called 
upon the Bishop of Paris and the priests to appoint a 
commission to conduct the trial of those tainted with 
Lutheran doctrine. The Pope sent his brief, on the 
20th of May 1525, approving the commission, con- 
sisting of Philip Pot, President of Requests, Andrew 
Verjus, Counsellor, and "William Ducherne and 
Nicholas Le Clerc, Doctors of Divinity. Writing to 
the Sorbonne, the Queen regent said: *'The damna- 
ble heresy of Luther is every day gaining new ad- 
herents." Beda replied: **A11 the writings of the 
heretics should be prohibited by a royal proclamation ; 
and if this means does not suffice, we must use force 
and constraint against the persons of these false doc- 


tors ; for those who resist the Ught must be subdued 
by torture and by terror." 

The work began. Beda and his associates were 
busy. Berqum was again arrested and thrown into 
prison. Margaret immediately appealed, in his 
favour, to her brother Francis. The Bishop of 
Meaux was again arraigned. No one spoke to the 
King for him. His want of brave consistency had 
left him without friends among the Romanists, whom 
he had opposed ; and the lleformed, whom he, par- 
tially at least, had renounced. He was brought be- 
fore the Commission of the Inquisition, accused of 
favouring the Lutheran doctrines, as the doctrines of 
the Reformed in France were now called to give them 
a foreign air, and make them peculiarly odious •; and 
2d, of havmg been insincere in his former reconcilia- 
tion with the Church ; and 3d, of doing things as 
Bishop prejudicial to the Church. On tlie 3d of Oc- 
tober 1525, the parliament having ordered the arrest 
of all against wliom information had been lodged, 
decreed particularly that tlie Bishop of Meaux should 
be interrogated by Menager and Verjus, Counsellors 
of the Court. A tamous advocate, John Bocbart, 
declared before parliament that, ** Neither the Bishop 
of Meaux, or any private individual, may raise his 
head, or open his mouth against the faculty of the 
Sorbonne ; nor is the faculty called upon to enter into 
discussion, or produce and set forth its reasons before 
the said bishop who ought not to resist the wisdom of 
that holy society, which should })e regarded as aided 
of God." The Bishop was anuized. He asked the 
privilege of appearing before parliament in person. 


On the 25th of October, the parliament refused the 
request. His condemnation was therefore secured. 
The Ecclesiastics, beUeving that his retraction would 
be of more service than his death, used great persua- 
sions to secure his recantation. They said he might 
retain his private opinions ; he was required only to 
submit to the established order of the Church ; that 
they were, like himself, anxious for a reform ; and 
that a reform was going on insensibly. Terrified at the 
near prospect of a terrible death, he recanted. The 
council held an examination of him, and pronounced 
him vindicated of the crimes charged. He submitted 
to penance ; and before a synod of his diocese, con- 
demned Luther's books, and retracted all he had 
taught contrary to the doctrines of the Church of 
Rome. In about eight years he died, commending, 
in his will, his soul to the Virgin Mary, and desiring 
twelve hundred masses be said for the repose of his 

Lefevre escaped the search of the Commission by 
flight to Strasburg. Other Frenchmen followed his 
example. A church was gathered there, to which 
Flavel often ministered. Lefevre became known as 
the meek old Frenchman, whom the children loved. 

Beda attacked Erasmus from the press, and endea- 
voured to bring the renowned Dutchman into disgi-ace. 
He published charges so great, that if a few had been 
true, the scholar of Middleburg must have been an 
outcast. Erasmus appealed to Charles V: ** Re- 
nowned Emperor, Certain persons, under pretence 
of religion, are raising a horrible outcry aginst me. 
I am fightmg under your banners and those of Jesus 


Christ. May your wisdom and power restore peace to 
the Christian world." He was protected by the Em- 

In Lorraine a victim was found. The pastor 
Schenk had preached salvation by faith alone, with 
success. He was arrested. Duke Anthony, surnamed 
the Good, who thought it enough for a man to know 
his ** Pater and his Ave," attended the trial. Of the 
proceedings he understood not a word, they being 
conducted in Latin. Provoked at the self-possession 
of the accused, and the apparent vigor of the defence, 
he arose to withdraw, saying, **He denies the mass; 
let them proceed to execution." The pastor was im- 
mediately condemned to the fire. Eaising his eyes 
to heaven, he exclaimed, **I was glad when they said 
unto me, let us go into the house of the Lord." On 
the 19th of August 1525, the city of Nancy was aroused 
by the tolling of the bells. Crowds assembled to 
witness the death of a heretic. The pastor looked 
on the burning of his books. He refused to retract, 
saying, **It is Thou, God, who hast called me; 
and Thou wilt give me strength to the end." As he 
mounted the pile he commenced repeating the 51st 
Psalm : ' ' Have mercy upon me, Lord, according to 
Thy loving kindness ;" and continued reciting the 
words of David, till his voice was stifled by the smoke 
and flames. 

The fires were kindled in Paris. A youth by the 
name of Pavanne had been induced in 1524 to recant 
his profession of salvation by faith in Christ alone. 
He became unhappy, and renewed his profession. 
He was condemned in 1525 to the flames. On his 


trial, meek, kind, gentle, self-possessed, he failed to 
gain friends by his courage and candour. Having 
made his confession and profession, he died on the 
pile erected for him in the Gr^ve, rejoicing ; and by 
his faith and comfort, strengthened many believers in 

A person, whose name is not given, known as ** The 
poor hermit of Livry," became a believer in Christ 
as the alone Saviour by faith. He spoke freely to his 
visitors about Christ and His salvation. In his visits 
to the villages, and the peasants' dwellings in the for- 
est, he offered the free and full salvation of the Lord. 
Seized, carried to Paris, thrown into prison and tried, 
he was condemned to perish by * * the slow fire. ^' The 
great bell of Notre Dame tolled. Crowds assembled 
in front around the pile. The crucifix was presented 
to the hermit. Calm, firm, collected, he declared, 
his hope was in the Lord Christ alone, and that his 
pardon was from God. The Doctors of the Sorbonne 
cried out, **He is damned; they are leading him to 
hell fire." The bell ceased to toll. The last question 
was put. His last answer, ** I will die in the faith of 
the Lord Jesus Christ." The fire that consumed him 
burned slowly. 

Li the south of France there were burnings. That 
excellent man, Anthony Du Blet, sunk under the 
persecution : and had for his companion, Francis 
Maulin. The sndden death of Anthony Papillon 
was attributed to violence. These were in the higher 
ranks of life. The community saw that all ranks of 
life, from the Bishop of Meaux and Berquin, to the 
hermit of Livry, were within the grasp of the Inqui- 


sition and its ojQ&cers. The court rejected the Eeform 
of the Church of Rome ; and persecution unto,death 
was decreed against those who professed faith in 
Christ alone for salvation ; and received the Bible as 
their only guide in religion, and sought the reform of 
the Chm-ch. Francis permitted, if he did not order 
this persecution. 



From the year 1526, when Francis I. returned from captivity, 
to the year 1559, when the National Synod was formed. 

THE peculiar interest of a third part of the six- 
teenth century, extending from 1526 to 1559, is 
in the fact, that Uterature, science and religion hav- 
ing found their long lost, yet true foundation, began 
to erect glorious ever-during fabrics slowly, yet surely, 
more and more admirable as the work advanced, till 
the top stone shall be laid, ** with shoutings, grace, 
grace unto it." Literature was exercising herself in 
portraying some important subject in fitting language. 
The moral, physical, mental and spiritual world was 
searched in its varied departments for themes that 
might interest and captivate. Thoughts, feelings, ac- 
tions and principles, of high import, stood before men 
in words, like the ancient Greek statues chiseled from 
the rock of exceeding excellence, understood, felt and 
appreciated. Science discovered her true foundation 
to be the laws of nature ; laws given to the natural 
world by Ilira that made it, laws given to govern the 
world till it shall cease to exist ; and was assiduously 
and patiently searching for them, undiscouraged by 
mistakes and failures. Men were watching the pro- 
gress of thmgs in the natural world to discover the 
process of the wonderful skill by which they were 


wrought. And now after the passage of three cen- 
turies we admire the progress of true science in un- 
folding the mysteries concealed, but never hidden 
from mortal view. Beligion sought and found her 
long lost foundation in the nature of man, and of the 
Ood that made him, and in those relations exist- 
ing between them as explained in the revelation 
God made to man. Literature could easily find 
her materials ; she had only to open her eyes. Science 
must call her powers, and wait and labour, and labour 
and wait, and catch by little and little the truth she 
searched for ; she must dig deep in the mines ; she 
must follow patiently the indications that lead to the 
rich treasure-houses. 

Religion considers man and God ; man for time in 
preparation for eternity ; and God, who is and was, 
and is to come, the Almighty. If the blessings of 
religion could be delayed like the advantages of the 
discoveries of science, without injury to those fleeting 
generations of men, that must pass to their eternity 
while the search for truth is going on, then religion, 
like science, might have her required ages to find out 
God to perfection, and define the relations of man to 
his Maker and Kedeemer and Judge. But the life 
of man passes in haste, and the blessings that reli- 
gion gives him, must be bestowed in that rapidly pass- 
higlife. And God in mercy has spoken plain, life- 
giving words, announcuig the relations between Ilim 
and the whole race of men, and explaining the great 
truths men must know in order to sfdvation. Man is 
weak and unwise ; God is strong, and wise, and mer- 
ciful, and good, and has given to man an unfailing 


guide to lead him to Christ, who is the way, the truth, 
and the life, without whom no man conies to the 
Father. Religion then rests on the sufficiency of the 
revealed will of God, and builds all the hopes of tiiien 
on God's written, unchanged and unchanging pro- 
mises, open for the perusal of all men. And the ad- 
vance she has made, in three centuries, shows the 
weakness and folly of man, and the kindness and 
mercy of God. 

That part of the sixteenth century, from 1526 to 
1559, in its strifes, commotions, revolutions, and 
bloody campaigns, embraces themes of history ; and 
volumes have been written to convey to posterity the 
designs and doings of the leading men in Europe. 
The events that came clustering and confounding by 
their import, gave increased vigor to the exertions of 
religion and science and literature. The rubbish of 
ages was cleared away. Charles V. held the king- 
dom of Spain, the Netherlands, the great dependen- 
cies in America, together with the crown of the Ger- 
manic empire; and repelled the invasion of the 
Turks, under which Europe had been dishonoured, 
with that spirit and bearing of tyranny that wrung 
from his Protestant subjects the sad exclamation — 
*''Twere easier to serve the Grand Turk than the 
Emperor !" He put forth his mightiest efforts against 
the reform in Germany; and, signally failing, re- 
signed his crown, and died in retirement. 

Henry VIII., the brave King of England, well 
informed of the extent of his prerogative, and most 
resolute in its defence, appealed to the Pope in a mat- 
ter, which he said affected his conscience, and, of 


course, his religion ; and complained tliat the head of 
the Komish church did not mete out to him even- 
handed justice, with other potentates, in the religious 
difficulty, nor evenhanded policy in the political aspect 
of the case, lie listened readily to the suggestions 
that the Church hi his dominions was competent to 
decide upon matters of conscience, under his supervi- 
sion, and, provided learned men in other parts coin- 
cided in opinion. Many that helieved the King's 
passions and self-will had much to do with the case 
the King had proposed to the Pope, united in the con- 
clusion that the Church in England was competent to 
transact its proper bushiess of discipline within the 
realms of the King. Henry severed the connexions 
of the Church of England with Rome, and asserted 
and maintained his right to be the head of the Eng- 
hsh Church in temporals, and its adviser and defender 
in spirituals ; and carried the reform, as far as agreed 
with his ideas of his prerogative as King, irrespective 
of any form or discipUne of the Church in other 
nations. Proceeding boldly and definitely, he made 
an impression on the minds of Englishmen, and the 
heart of the Church, that the Pope has never been 
able to eradicate, or countervail; and then passed, 
after his legally murdered wives, to meet his reward, 
leaving the kingdom and Church of England to be- 
come, in the opinion of an intelligent Frenchman, 
**the bulwark of Protestantism in Europe," an epi- 
thet in which that kingdom and that Church glory. 

The Pope — and there were four individuals that held 
that office at Home during the proposed period, (Cle- 
ment VII., Paul III., Julius III. and Paul IV.)— the 


Pope went on claiming to be the head of the Church, 
and of course the arbiter of nations, promising, and 
even calling a council to satisfy the demands of Eu- 
rope, yet heartily opposing councils when they could 
be avoided ; and finally rendering null and void the one 
called to meet at Trent; sometimes acknowledging 
there was a necessity for a reform in some things, 
and yet always considering those somethings as mat- 
ters under the cognizance of existing officers and laws 
of the Romish church, and to be reformed by them ; 
and declining to consider, as subjects of reform, those 
articles and forms of the Church, which all the Re- 
formers exclaimed against as errors and wrong doings ; 
such as the Mass, in pretending to present the body, 
the very body of Jesus Christ, to the communicants 
in the sacrament, the auricular confessions, purgatory, 
the Invocation of the Saints and the Virgin ; with the 
various rites and ceremonies connected therewith, es- 
pecially indulgencies ofiered as a traffic, to be bought 
and sold ; and finally, forcing the nations of Europe 
to understand that the head of the Romish church 
did not intend to acknowledge any reform as actually 
necessary, or permit any to be made in any important 
article or form of worship ; and that the Reformers 
must abide in the Romish church as it was, or depart 
from it, and associate themselves as a Christian body, 
in any way that they chose, but in all ways and in all 
their doings, to be reckoned and treated as heretics 
that ought to expect no mercy from man or God. 
The history of the Emperor, and the King, and the 
Pope, in these years, has been recorded in a library 
of volumes, of instruction, entertainment and warn- 


ing and gloomy records, forming in the grouping a 
sombre back ground for the development of the spirit 
and principles and actions of the Reformed French 

Francis I., the King of France, who held the tem- 
poral welfare of the Eeformed French, politically, in 
his hand, emulated Charles V. in his diplomacy, and 
Henry VIII. in his bravery and lasciviousness. Fre- 
quent communications passed between him and the 
King of England, with mutual encouragement to re- 
sist the Emperor in his political projects, and his 
aspirations to be Pope or to govern the Pope ; and 
each to be head of the church in his own dominions. 
Francis could not plead conscience, Uke Henry, in 
seeking the indulgence of his desires ; he had suc- 
ceeded in bringing his court to that easy conscience, 
that the taste and will of the king reigned paramount 
in morals and social intercourse. To resist tbe King 
in political matters, was treason ; in social matters it 
was want of refinement and taste, and of course 
equivalent to banishment from the highest circles. 
Perceiving that the Emperor was evidently gaining 
influence over the Pope, Francis proposed to Clement 
VII. an aUiance between his son Henry and the 
Pope's young niece, Catherine de Medici. The Pope 
was incredulous. 

Francis, in 1530, had married Elleanor, sister of 
the Emperor, according to the treaty that released him 
from captivity in Spain, and that now he should offer 
to unite the royal family of France with the family of 
the rich merchant of Florence, while the very offer 
gratified the Pope, its magnitude forbid him to con- 


sider it as an offer in good faith. The negotiations 
were protracted. The Pope knew that Francis used 
religion as a foil in politics, and as an allurement in 
social life, while at heart he believed nothing of pure 
revelation. To convince the Pope, or persuade him 
to be deceived, and that he and the Queen mother were 
earnest Catholics, Francis had, in 1526, permitted 
Denis de lieux to be burnt at Meaux, under the charge 
of having said — ''the mass destroyed the efficacy of 
Christ's death." And, in 1527, the learned and no- 
ble Berquin was the third time seized and imprisoned ; 
and, after defending himself most manfully as a true 
citizen and Christian man, demanding justice against 
his persecutors, was condemned to death by fire. At 
the place of execution, in consideration of civil rank, 
the privilege of being strangled before he was com- 
mitted to the flames, was granted him. Before being 
strangled he employed the short space allowed him 
to speak, m boldly affirming his full belief in the 
completeness of the Bible for our instruction ; that a 
sinner can be saved only by faith in Christ, and in 
Christ alone ; and his belief that the Romish Church 
needed a reformation. His intrepid conduct affected 
the priest who had attended him. He pretended he 
had hopes of converting him to Romanism ; and he 
went away saying, with an air and manner that left 
his meaning doubtful, '*no better Christian has died 
for a hundred years." And now he pressed u})on the 
Pope the advantages of an alliance between his neice, 
Catherine, and Henry the presumptive heir of the 
throne of France. And, to the astonishment of all 
prowned heads in Europe, the marriage actually took 


place in October, 1533, at Marseilles, in France, the 
Pope officiating, and promising to give her as a dowry 
some territory in Italy, coveted by Francis. And 
havmg, before he sailed for France, issued his bull of 
excommunication against Henry VIII., of England, 
while in Marseilles he issued his bull of excommuni- 
cation against all heretics. This was done with the 
consent, if not the approbation, of the King of 
France, but with the earnest remonstrance of the 
minister Du Bellay. 

Having, as he supposed, secured the friendship of 
the Pope, Francis hastened to meet the Duke of Wurt- 
emburg in Lorraine, at Bar le Due, to conclude a 
treaty to put him in possession of his hereditary do- 
minions, kept from him by Charles V. By this treaty 
he appeared the friend of the German Protestants, 
and weakened the hands of his great rival Charles V. 
The Pope's bull about the khig of England, and 
the bull about the heretics in France filled the parti- 
sans of the Komish church with joy and new^ courage 
to persecute and destroy the lieformers. Tlie King 
returned to his pleasures in the heart of his dominions 
rejoicing in the success of his dijtlomacy, and more 
resolved that the religion he preferred should be the 
religion of France ; and that religion of his choice 
was the religion of the Pope. 

Wliile these negotiations w^ere in progress, Marga- 
ret of Navarre published, in 1533, at Alencon, l)y 8i- 
mon Dubois, a volume of poetry entitled ** The Mir- 
ror of the Sinful Souly in which she discovers lier 
faults and sins, as also the grace and blessings bestoAved 
on her by Jesue Christ her Spouse." This httle work 


was admired for its genius and piety, and is worthy 
of preservation for its beautiful delineation of Chris- 
tian experience. Encouraged by its usefulness, she 
published another edition at Paris. The Sorbonne 
with Beda at its head, seized upon the book and re- 
joiced that now there was proof that the Queen of 
iTavarre was a heretic; not **dumb proof, nor half 
proof, but literal, clear, complete proof.'* Accord- 
ing to the Mirror^ true religion is summed up in 
** Man's sin and God's grace" — '' that what man needs 
is to have his sins remitted and wholly pardoned in 
consequence of Christ's death ; and when by faith he 
has found assurance of this pardon, he enjoys peace." 
''"What !" exclaimed Beda, "no more auricular con- 
fessions, indulgence, penance, and works of charity!" 
Besides this volume of poetry, Margaret had writ- 
ten and kept a manuscript volume of Tales, in which 
she tells, with the greatest simplicity, things she saw 
and heard in some of her excursions and journeyings 
in early life ; portraying in prominent graphic charac- 
ter and natural colours, the shameless conduct and in- 
famous principles of the priests and monks, and par- 
tisans of the Romish church. This volume was not 
published till after her death : her daughter gave it to 
the public. But about the time of the publication of 
her poetry, some leaves of this manuscript had been 
privately copied and circulated without her consent. 
There was a statement of things which this noble 
woman knew to be true, which would be anywhere a 
justification for her discarding such priests and monks, 
and a rejection of a system of religion that tolerated 
such shameless abuses. Her pictures were more de- 


Btructive to fhe character and influence of the priests, 
than the tales of Erasmus read with so much glee by 
boys learning the Latin language a generation past. 

A great cry was raised ; and the Romish pulpits in 
Paris rang with denunciations and ridicule of the 
Queen of i^avarre. The Sorbonne, after delibera- 
tion, determined that The Mirror of the Sinful Soul 
be put on the list of prohibited books. The College 
went further, and composed a drama, satyrizing the 
Queen, and .had it publicly performed. The hope 
was that the Queen would be ruined in the eyes of 
her brother, and be banished to the mountains of 
Bearne. The Grand Master, Montmorency, joined 
in the efforts for her ruin : and went so far as to say 
to the King, **It is true, sire, that if you wish to 
extirpate the heretics, you must begin with the (Jueen 
of Navarre." '^JSTo more about that," said Francis; 
*' my sister is too fond of me to take up with any 
religion that will injure my kingdom." And the 
Superior of the grey friars. Berry, who advised that 
**the Queen of Navarre should be sown up in a sack 
and thrown into the river." The King ordered him 
to be sown in a sack and sutler the proposed punish- 
ment, lie was saved only by the entreaties of the 
injured Queen. 

Francis was not in Paris. His sister, by letter, 
avowed herself the author of the Mirror of the Sinful 
Soul; and insisted she had not attacked the doc- 
trines of the Church. In conclusion the Sorboinie 
were compelled to withdraw their censure of the 
Queen's book. This took place just before the wed- 
ding of the Pope's niece with tlie King's son. The 


next month after the marriage, the Sorbonne, en- 
couraged by the Pope's bull, at Marseilles complained 
of their rector, Cap, to the parliament of Paris ; and 
he escaped arrest by flight ; and Calvin was compelled 
to escape through the window of his room and flee 
with him. 

When Francis was with his sister, or could come 
ander her influence, he protected the reform ; when 
away from her, or under the influence of Dupont, he 
manifested a deep-rooted hatred to the whole cause of 
reform as opposed to the principles on which he de- 
sired to rule France. In the course of the year 1534, 
events took place which led to the overthrow of the 
great hopes of a reform in the French Church. During 
the summer the pious people of Paris discussed, in their 
private meetings, the perils of their condition, and 
what was to be attempted for their safety. Should 
they still hope for a reform, such as Melancthon pro- 
posed and Queen Margaret was labouring for, are- 
form of the Church of Rome without destroying its 
frame-work of ranks of oflicers, or should they endea- 
vour to construct a new fabric that should be free 
from the peculiarities of the Romish church. A 
messenger was dispatched to Switzerland to consult 
Farel and the other refugees. Their messenger, 
Faut, travelled on foot to Switzerland, and laid the 
matter before the Reformers. After consultation, it 
was the conclusion that something eflective should be 
done in France, like what had been done in Switzer- 
land ; and that a strong placard, or manifesto, should 
be prepared and scattered through France to arouse all 
the friends of reform to vigourous action ; and, if 


possible, to alarm, or in some way induce the King 
to favour a thorougli renovation of the Church in 
France. Farel was appointed to draw up the paper. 
He drew a manifesto in the same vehement strain of 
thought he was accustomed to preach ; and inveighed 
in the strongest language against the errors of Tvome, 
and especially against the Mass, which the Reformers 
considered the centre of abominations, and the Rom- 
ish clergy clung to as the palladium of their cause. 
The paper was considered and approved by the refu- 
gees ; and printed in two forms, a broad sheet to afiix 
to corners of streets, posts, houses, and churches; 
and pamphlet form to hand around privately. The 
messenger returned unmolested with a pack of these 
placards and pamphlets. The consultation in Paris 
was earnest and protracted. Some thought the circu- 
lation of a paper of that denunciatory tone was most 
imprudent, and w^ould lead to serious consequences. 
Others were captivated with the bold manner and earnest 
thought. It was determined to circulate the paper 
through Paris, and throughout France as far as prac- 
ticable, in both forms. Preparations were made very 
secretly, and the 23d of October fixed as the day 
for the enterprise. The persons appointed were gen- 
erally devout men, with more or less of prudence, and 
easily excited. There is no doubt they prayed for 
divine protection and success. On the appointed 
night the work was done. 

The effect was electric and astounding, and resulted 
very differently from the expectations of the projec- 
tors. The plac;ard and pamphlet aroused all France. 
Had the King been for the Reformation, the cause 


might have speedily been settled. The Reformers acted 
with great vigour, and followed the placard with other 
publications in a somewhat difierent strain. The Romish 
party were incensed, and retorted with violence ; and 
proclaimed that a deep laid plot was now showing it- 
self against the King and religion ; that the Reform- 
ers were preparing to fall upon the adherents to the 
Pope and murder them during public worship. So 
numerous were the Reformed that their opponents stood 
in dread. Had there been an organization, either pol- 
itical or religious, to bring unity of action under a wise 
head, and call out the strength of the Reformed, 
the King might have thought it prudent to conciliate 
and estabhsh his government in their hearts. He had 
the forces of the kingdom at his command ; and a 
complete organization both political and ecclesiastical : 
and what can undiscipUned numbers do against discip- 
line, and skill, and consolidation, guided by a resolute 

The King was at Blois. A chorister of the chapel 
favouring the Reform, entered the palace privately, 
and advancing unobserved to the King's chamber, af- 
fixed a placard to the door. In the morning the at- 
tendants, on entering the chamber, took down the pla- 
card and handed it to the king. He looked at it a 
moment, and greatly excited that a paper should be 
privately affixed to his door, gave it to one of his at- 
tendants, directing him to read it. Portions of it were 
read with comments. The King calling to mind the 
saying of the Pope's Nuncio, *nhat if he suffered his 
people to change their religion, they would soon change 
their prince," he was more excited, and declared the 


act treasonable, that while he was busy in reconcihng 
the two parties in religion, the fanatics were endea- 
vouring to embroil them. Great eilbrts w^ere made 
to inflame the King still more against the Reformers. 
This act of ckculating the placard was denounced as 
high treason. The Khig in his wrath ordered, ** Let 
all be seized without distinction who are suspected of 
Lutheresy ; I w'ill exterminate them all." 

The day after, the parhament of Paris offered a 
reward of one hundred crowns to any one who should 
discover the person or persons who put up the placard. 
When Francis arrived in Paris great exertions were 
made to inflame him still more, pressmg him to re- 
member that it had been the honour of the French 
kings to preserve the Church unharmed. The success 
was complete ; the mind of Francis w^as inflamed even 
against his sister Margaret for interceding for some of 
the Reformers that had been seized. She left Paris 
and retired to her own dominions. Beda, the fierce 
persecutor, that had led in the councils for severity, 
now boldly accused ^largaret of behig engaged in the 
placard, and in his frenzy also implicated the king. 
Francis had him seized and after trial condemned to 
penance and close confinement for life. There are 
reports that when Francis arrived at Paris the placards 
reappeared, and one found the way to his pillow. This 
indignity incensed Imn beyond measure. It was an 
aftront to his royal person, and tlie crime w^as to be 
visited on all the Reformed, an( I on whomsoever else was 
any way concerned in oflering indignity to his person. 
Seizures and trials and condenniations began ; and 
these were followed with burnings that commenced 

Reformed French church. 47 

on the 13th of ]S"ovember, and were continued from 
time to time throughout the year and throughout 
France. To be convicted of having any part in cir- 
culating the placards, was the certain precursor of con- 
demnation to the flames ; and men were burnt, not 
for being Reformers, but being Reformers they were 
burnt for posting the placards. 

Very many of the Reformed fled from Fiance ; es- 
pecially those who had distributed placards, or feared 
they would be implicated in that offence. Men of all 
ranks sought refuge in exile. Tliere was no hiding 
in France from the incensed monarch, who was re- 
solved to punish an ecclesiastical imprudence as a 
pohtical crime. Successful means were used to find 
the places of worship frequented by the Reformers in 
secret ; and also the names of the worshippers. The 
discovery was a certain prelude of punishment, as the 
offence was charged upon the whole company of the 
Reformed, and the officers chose out their victims 
acccording to their position and influence in life. 

It was impressed upon the mind of the King that 
the ofience against the majesty of his crown \yas too 
great to be passed over without a special expurgation ; 
and that the offence against the established religion of 
the country was connected with the offence against 
himself, and might be expiated at the same time. 
Francis resolved upon a splended ovation. 

In the meantime his love for his sister revived. He 
sent for her. In this interview, he charged her with 
holding the errors of the placards. She denied, and 
presented a paper drawn up by Lefevre expressing her 
plan of Reformation. The first proposition was, that 


the Christian world should be united under one spirit- 
ual head. Then, respecting the Mass, slie proposed 
that the priest should continue to celebrate it ; but it 
shall be : 1st, a public communion ; 2d, he will not 
uplift the Host ; 3d, it will not be adored ; 4th, priests 
and people will communicate under both kinds ; 5th, 
there will be no commemoration of the Virgin or 
Saints; 6th, the communion to be celebrated with 
ordinary bread ; 7th, the priest after breaking and eat- 
ing will distribute the remainder among the people. 
** What then is left of the Roman Mass." Margaret 
then appealed to his love of glory, that by this com- 
promise he would unite all sects and restore unity to 
the Church ; the greatest honour to w^hich he could 
aspire. Francis was impressed ; and agreed to a con- 
ference with three of her favourite preachers, then in 
confinement. He sent for them to the Louvre. The 
zeal and clearness with which they pointed out the 
errors of the Mass irritated him, and he sent them 
back to prison. 

An ovation was determined upon to expiate the sin 
of the placards. The preparation for it was a work 
of cruelty and blood. On the 10th of November, 
1534, seven men were brought from prison, to meet 
the King's advocate in the criminal chamber of the 
Chatelet. The sentence was confiscation of property, 
penance, and to be burnt alive. On the 3 3th, Milon, 
the paralytic shoemaker, was taken trom prison to 
the Greve. *' Lower the flames," said theofiftcer; 
**the sentence says he is to be burnt at a slow fire." 
The constancy of the poor man deeply afiected the 
beholders. On the 14th, Du Bourg, tl>e rich trades- 


man of the Rue St. Denis, was taken to the fountain 
of the Innocents, near his own house, and there his 
hand that put up the placard was severed from his 
body. Thence he was taken to the Halles, and there 
burnt ahve. On the 18th, Poille, a disciple of Bri- 
connet, was taken to the Church of St. Catherine. 
While preparations were making for his death, his 
profession of faith so exasperated his executioners, 
they caught his tongue, pierced it, made a slit in his 
cheek, through which they thrust his tongue, and fas- 
tened it with an iron pin. He was burnt alive. On the 
19th, a printer and a bookseller, engaged in circula- 
ting Luther's works, were burnt together at the Place 
Maubert. On the 4th of December, a young clerk 
was burned before IsTotre Dame. On the following 
day, a young workman, in a shop near the Pont St. 
Michael, was burned on a pile erected at the foot of 
the bridge. Paris was in excitement ; and multi- 
tudes sought safety in flight and exile. 

On the day appointed for the great Expiation, the 
2l8t of January 1535, Paris was in great excitement. 
Crowds of people from the surrounding country filled 
the streets. The procession began at the Bishop's 
palace at six in the morning. First were carried the 
crosses and banners of the several parishes ; then the 
citizens, two and two, each with a torch ; then the 
four mendicant orders, with the priests and canons 
of the city. All the relics that could be found were 
brought out, and as they were carried along, received 
the devout admiration of the crowd. The canons 
of the Holy Chapel bore along their most precious 
relics, some of the Virgin's milk, the purple robe 


worn by our Lord, the crown of thorns, the true 
Cross, and the silver shrine, containing the reUcs of 
St. Genevieve, the patron Saint of Paris, never brought 
out except when France was in peril. After the relics, 
came a great number of Cardinals, Archbishops, 
Bishops and Abbots. Then came a canopy, borne 
by the King's three sons, and the Duke of Vendome, 
and under it, the Host, or bread and wine for the 
sacrament of the Mass, borne by the Bishop of Paris. 
After this came Francis I. , bareheaded and on foot, 
holding a lighted taper, like a penitent. He was fol- 
lowed by the Queen, the princes and princesses, the 
foreign embassadors and all the court, the Chancellor 
of France, the council, the parliament in their scarlet 
robes, the University and other corporations, and the 
Guard, each carrying a taper, in profound silence. 
Temporary altars were set up in the principal places 
along which the procession should pass, on which to 
place the Host, to repose for a few moments. 

When the procession arrived at one of these, 
Francis gave his taper to the cardinal of Lorrame, 
joined his hands, and knelt down, humbling himself 
for the sin of the placards ; all that chose followed the 
example. After a short pause the Host was taken up 
and the procession moved on. Immense crowds of 
people followed through the different streets ; the in- 
habitants of which stood in front of their houses, and 
as the Host passed by fell upon their knees. A great 
body of archers, appointed for the purpose, could 
scarcely keep open a passage for the procession. 
Arrived at the church of Notre Dame, the Host was 
placed on the altar ; mass was said by the Bishop of 


Paris, with all imaginable honours, as atonement for past 
insults. The king and princes returned to the Bishop's 
palace, and there partook of a sumptuous dinner. 
After dinner, the nobles and prominent persons that 
formed the procession, were assembled in the bishop's 
great hall to hear a speech from the King. He ad- 
dressed them in a pathetic manner about the harm 
done to religion, and called on all to unite heartily for 
the established Church. After sighs and tears from 
the audience, as expressive of penitence and rever- 
ence, the King exclaimed : ** I warn you that I will 
have the said errors expelled and driven from my 
kingdom ; I will excuse no one. As I am your king, 
if I knew one of my own limbs infected with this rot- 
tenness, I would give it you to cut off. And if I saw 
one of my children defiled by it, I would not spare 
him. I would deliver him up myself, and sacrifice 
him to God." Du Bellay, Bishop of Paris, came for- 
ward, with Trousou, the Lord of Cauldray and pre- 
vost of the merchants, knelt before the King and 
thanked him for his zeal, the first in the name of the 
clergy, and the other in behalf of the people, and 
swore to make war against heresy. And there was a 
general outcry : ** We will live and die for the Cath- 
olic religion.'* 

The King, with his family, the nobles, and the rest 
of the procession, resumed his march, and made his 
first halt at the Marksman's Cross, in the Rue St. 
Honore, where a scaffold had been prepared. Morin, 
the lieutenant-crimina, brought forward three persons 
to be burned, "to appease the wrath of God," the 
crowd received them with great outcries, and could 


scarcely he kept back from assaulting them in their 
helpless condition. Nicholas Valeton, Receiver of 
Nantes, a brave man and respected citizen, was first 
brought forward. His books were burnt with him ; 
the wood for the fire had been taken from his own 
house. He stood before the pile ; by him was a post 
of some height set firmly in the ground ; and to this 
was afiixed a pole crosswise, some distance from the 
ground, so adjusted, that by a rope at one end, the 
other could be raised high and let down. The priests 
desired to gain him, and said to him : ** We have the 
universal Church with us ; out of it there is no salva- 
tion ; return to it ; your faith is destroying you." He 
repUed : ** I beUeve only what the prophets and apos- 
tles preached, and all the company of saints have 
believed." The hangman then bound his hands, and 
fastened them to the end of the swinging pole. The 
sufierer was then raised in the air by the strappado, 
his arms sustaining his whole weight, and brought 
directly over the pile, which was then set on fire, and 
he was let fall into the. flames ; almost immediately 
they raised him again into the air, and then again let 
him fall. This terrible sport was renewed again and 
again, till the cord took fire, and the knot was burned, 
and the body falling into the fire was speedily con- 
sumed. The next victim was brought forward, Nich- 
olas, clerk to the registrer of the Chatelet ; and 
being fastened to the strappado, he sufiered in the same 
manner, being dropped into the flames, and raised 
from them again a number of times, till at last he 
was consumed. The third, having witnessed all this 
torture, was, in his turn, bound to the pole, and after 


being thrown into the fire a number of times, the 
cords were cut, and he, like the rest, was reduced to 

The cry then was from the crowd : ** To the Halles ! 
to the Halles!" a place between St. Genevieve and 
the Louvre, where another pile was prepared, and an- 
other strappado and three more victims. The crowd 
moved off in haste ; and scarcely had the King and 
his court arrived, before the horrid work began, with 
a rich fruit merchant of the Halles. After he had 
been tortured a sufficient time to satisfy the crowd, 
he was dropped into the flames. Two other devout 
Reformers were treated successively in the same way. 
After the burning of these six victims, Francis re- 
turned to his palace. 

Other pai'ts of France had similar spectacles of cruel 
fanaticism, glorying in the torments of their fellow 
citizens, and of devout faith triumphing over death. 
Everywhere it was now evident that neither the King 
or the clergy would permit a reform in the worship 
or doctrines of the Church of France. If any in 
France wished a reform in manners or worship, or 
doctrine, or desired a better way of living, or were 
not satisfied with the established Church of France, 
there was but one way. They must gather together 
as believers and worship God irrespective of the Eom- 
ish church or Romish king. 

Francis continued his course, striving like Charles 
V. and Henry YHI., to be the head of the State and 
the church, and like Henry, with parliaments to meet 
and deliberate, and hold the people, to be absolute 
monarch. Only two additional records of the martyr- 


doms suffered during his reign need be recorded as 
aiding the work of presenting the King and the Re- 
formed people of his kingdom in their true position 
as it regarded the nation at large and the Church 
of God. 1st. At Meaux the building in which 
the Reformed doctrines had been preached with suc- 
cess was torn down, and another erected in its place, 
in which mass was celebrated. Numbers of the peo- 
ple that used to worship in the former building were 
seized, and refusing to deny their faith, were com- 
mitted to the flames. 2d. Cardinal Tournan and the 
Governor of Provence desired the destruction of the 
Waldenses ; and obtained the sanction of Francis 
about the year 1544, by the promise that the Walden- 
ses should be conveyed to Marseilles as a colony, 
ancl their territory converted into a Swiss canton of 
the true faith. These mountaineers were assailed for 
the same reasons as the Reformed had been, their 
faith in the sufficiency of the Scriptures. Twenty-two 
villages were burned to ashes, and the inhabitants, in- 
stead of being taken to Marseilles, were either mur- 
dered or driven into exile. Multitudes of little chil- 
dren were suffered to perish, after their parents had 
been murdered. Four thousand refugees asked and 
obtained permission to retire to Geneva, and, as Cal- 
vin tells us in a letter written in July, 1545, were kindly 
received. Before his death, Francis drew up a paper 
directing his son Henry to make restitution, for their 
lost property, to that injured people. But what could 
call back the thousands slain ? 

Francis I. surrendered his crown and life in 1547. 
Two years afterward his sister Margaret followed him 


to the grave. They mamtained their characteristics 
to the last. He continued to sustain the Romish 
church in his own dominion ; and to humble his rival, 
Charles V. , encouraged the Protestants in Germany. 
She, compelled to abandon the hope of reform in the 
Romish church, held to her simple faith in Christ, and 
encouraged the Reformers to the utmost of her power, 
hoping for some good yet to come to the cause of religion. 
Francis excused his cruelty, under the pleas of 
criminal offences, insult to his royal person and crown, 
and the peace of his kingdom. Margaret wept over 
the destruction of her hopes, in the great exhibition of 
indignation and fanaticism ; and, cherishing her at- 
tachment to her brother, sought quietness in her do- 
minions of I^avarre and Bearne. Francis was cruel 
under excitement, and by diplomacy. Margaret, al- 
ways gentle and inclined to timidity, and made bold 
by a sense of her proper dignity, and the truth of her 
religious views and the welfare of her subjects ; she 
was a king's daughter, a king's sister, and a king's 
wife, and a believer in the Scriptures, and humbly 
hoped for salvation through Christ alone. The won- 
der is : where did she obtain her ideas of feminine 
purity in a corrupt court ; and how did she maintain 
it amidst all the ill-example, and precept, and seduc- 
tive influences that surrounded her. Her writings ex- 
hibit her sense of purity and her faith, and also fur- 
nish convincing evidence that there was need of a 
reform in the court of France. She has left evidence 
of being one of the purest and best of women ; as 
Francis has left evidence of being one of the most 
lascivious and false of men. 


Henry IT., second son of Francis, held fhe crown 
from 1547 to 1559. "With less ability of mind and 
body, be followed tbe steps of bis fatber to tbe utmost 
of bis power. He favoured tbe Romisb cburcb, to 
wbicb be was bound more closely by bis wife, Catbe- 
rine de Medici, tbe niece of Pope Clement VII. 
And, in tbe war in Germany, wbicb preceded tbe 
treaty of Passau, 1552, and tbe consequent Diet and 
religious peace of Augsburg, 1555, be assisted tbe 
Protestants of Germany against Cbarles V., and 
wbile establisbing tbe reformation in Germany, and 
tbereby weakening bis fatber's great rival, be turned 
to persecutions of tbe reformed in bis own kingdom. 
Tbe council of Trent beld a number of sessions dur- 
ing bis reign. Tbeir decisions were not always sucb 
as tbe ecclesiastics of tbe Frencb Establisbed Cburcb 
desired, but were generally sucb as tbe Protestants in 
Germany, and tbe Reformed in France, greatly op- 
posed. No reformation in tbe Cburcb of Rome, was, 
on any account, to be expected. By tbe treaty of 
Passau and tbe religious peace of Augsburg, tbe Pro- 
testants of Germany were confirmed in tbeir rigbts of 

In 1553, Henry H. permitted tbe martyrdom of five 
young men at Lyons. Tbey were arrested for main- 
taining tbeir belief in tbe sufiiciency of tbe Scriptures 
witbout tradition, tbat men w^ere saved by faitb in 
Cbrist and tbat only, and tbat tbere was need of a 
reformation in tbe Cburcb of Rome, or in default of 
tbat, of a Reformed Cburcb in France. For tbese 
articles of faitb, beld by multitudes in France, tbese 
young men were arrested at Lyons. Kept in a room 


by themselves, means were constantly used with them 
to bring about a recantation ; but in vain. Their 
common suffering in prison found a balm in their 
mutual faith. On the day of their execution they 
were taken from prison at the hour of two in the af- 
ternoon, and placed together in a wagon. Exhorting 
each other to courage and perseverance to the end, to 
gain the victory, they began the ninth Psalm in French 
metre, < ^ I will praise thee, Lord, with my whole 
heart." On the way to execution, they prayed and 
recited passages of Scripture. At the end of the 
bridge over the Soane, at a place called Le Herberie, 
one of them, turning to the crowd, said with a loud 
voice, ** The God of Peace who brought again from the 
dead the Lord Jesus, that great Shepherd of the sheep, 
through the blood of the everlasting covenant, make you 
perfect in every good work to do His will." Then they 
began reciting the Apostle's creed, in sentences one after 
another in turn. The one who repeated the words, 
*'was conceived of the Holy Ghost, born of the Vk- 
gin Mary," raised his voice as if to repel the calumny 
that charged them with denying these articles, or speak- 
ing ill of the Virgin. The soldiers repeatedly interrupt- 
ed them with threats ; they replied : ' ' Will you hinder 
us from praying and calling upon God the little time 
we have to live ?" At the place of execution was a 
stake surrounded by a pile of wood at a little distance 
making a space for them to stand. The two youngest 
mounted the pile first. Kemoving their clothes, they 
were handed down by the executioner and tied to the 
stake. The eldest, Martial Alba, ascended the pile 
last. The excutioner came to him, as he remained 


long upon his knees, and took him in his arms to put 
him down with the others. CalUng to Lieutenant 
Tegnac, he earnestly requested to he permitted to kiss 
his brethi-en before death. Being permitted, he stooped 
and kissed the four brethren tied to the stake, saying 
to each, ''Adieu! adieu! my brother." The four 
brethren turning their heads, kissed each other, saying 
the same words. Alba then committed them to God, 
and kissing the executioner, said, ' ' My friend, forget 
not W'hat I have said to thee." A chain was then 
passed around the five, binding them all together to 
the stake, and fire was put to the pile. To spare them 
the suftering of burning alive, the executioner pre- 
pared a rope which he passed around their necks for 
the purpose of strangling them by a machine. Unhap- 
pily, the flames burned the cord and defeated his mer- 
ciful design. Amidst the flames their voices were 
heard crying out : ''Courage brother! courage bro- 
ther !" They were quickly reduced to ashes. Their 
dying cry of " Courage, brother ! courage, brother !" 
thrilled the hearts of the spectators and echoed through 
Lyons. And multitudes who might have been kept 
in the Romish church, if the Council of Trent had 
granted that reformation demanded by public senti- 
ment, felt in their hearts courage to profess the faith 
in which these young men died. A cheerful, cour- 
aereous death is fascinating ; and that which enables 
men to pass happily from this world commends itself 
strongly to men's feelings and then to their judgments. 
The song of a martyr in the flames has inspired with 
courage many a timid heart. Men are moved by ex- 
amples of patient endurance. Could Briconnet, bishop 


of Meaux, been firm in the profession and promulga- 
tion of his faith, his sufferings that were threatened, 
might have come upon him with a blessing to other 
bishops. As the burning of the common members 
of the church made converts of other members, and 
the burning of priests made converts of priests, and 
the burning of nobles made converts of nobles, so the 
burning of a bishop might have been the means of 
converting other bishops, and watering with the dews 
of grace other diseases. 

King Henry 11. , under the influence of his wife, 
Catherine de Medici, niece of Pope Clement YII., 
became more and more openly the enemy of the Re- 
formers in his own kingdom, in proportion as by his 
own councils and aid, the Protestants in Germany 
became more and more safe from the power of their 
temporal Emperor, Charles V. The year next suc- 
ceeding the religious peace of Augsburg in 1555, 
Charles, the Emperor, resigned his crown of Spain 
in favour of his son, Philip II. ; that of Emperor of 
Germany he could not dispose of at his will. How- 
ever grand the parade accompanying his resignation, 
and however pious and plausible the reasons he gave 
for it, his ill-success with the Protestants of Germany 
evidently had a powerful influence on his determina- 
tions. His ship was foundering on the breakers, and 
he escaped to a convent. Unawed by the example, 
the King of France went on in the same infatuated 
course of striving to prevent human enquiry and 
human progress. But a short time before his death, 
he most earnestly pressed upon the parliament of 
Paris the propriety of introducing the Inquisition into 


France, to aid the clergy in disposing of heretics and 
strengthen Eomanism. Dubourg, a magistrate of 
Paris, a member of the parhament, said in debate, in 
presence of the King, <* There is necessity for a 
reform;" and also, *'The persecution of those called 
heretics, cannot be justified." The King, construing 
this, as his father had done the placards, an insult to 
the royal personage, was enraged. Procuring his 
arrest, and his subsequent condemnation, he exulted : 
**I hope," he said, **with mine own eyes to see Du- 
bourg burnt." That honest man was strangled and 
then burnt ; but the King did not witness the flames ; 
he came to his end in July 1559, in consequence of 
an accident which befell him in a tournament, at the 
marriage feast of his sister with the Duke of Savoy. 
Insisting on riding a tilt with Montmorency, he re- 
ceived a wound in the eye, which in a few days proved 
mortal. A few weeks after Pope Paul III. ended his 
violent pontificate. And Charles V. , having died in 
a monastery in Spain the year previous, and Henry 
Vin. of England, passing away in 1557, the same 
year with Francis I., all the great monarchs and lead- 
ers left the stage of action, about the time the Re- 
formed Church of France became an aclmowledged 
Church of the Reformation, with a Confession of 
Faith and Church discipline, that have been the study 
and admiration of Protestants. Moulded m the fires 
of persecution, the Church, and its creed, and forms, 
were purified from false philosophy. 

The difiiculties under which the Reformers in France 
proceeded in their work of purification and union have 
been considered. There were some favourable events. 


and associations of circumstances, that contributed 
greatly to their final success, in presenting to the 
Church of God and all posterity, evidence of their 
flourishing existence, about the time their greatest 
adversaries left this stage of action. 1st. The influ- 
ences connected with the Duchess of Ferrara. 2d. 
Those clustering around John Calvin. 3d. Those 
connected with Clement Marot. 4th. Those flowing 
from the Protestant Churches of Switzerland, Ger- 
many, Holland and England. 

J. The Duchess of Ferrara. — ^Renata, daughter of 
Louis XII. , King of France, and Ann of Brittany, 
born at Blois October 25, 1510, was in her sphere a 
great ornament, and a bright light, of the Eeforma- 
tion. It is a question, difiicult and not necessary to 
be decided, whether she, or Margaret, Queen ol Na- 
varre, were during their life-time the most efl'ective in 
their aid of revival of religion and literature in France. 
Sister of Claudia, the wife of Francis I. , she was 
much at his court. Embracing the doctrines of revi- 
val about faith, and the Scriptures, and reform in the 
Church, she imbibed with them the principles and 
practice of toleration. Like Margaret, she began 
the life of godliness, purity, and kindness, in a lasci- 
vious court, where beautiful and educated ladies of 
rank were assembled, that the King might not feel 
himself compelled, in his pleasures, to expose himself 
to the criticism and revenge of the untitled classes of 
France. The vices of the King were to be concealed 
under the Ucense and splendour of the court. In her 
infftticy — 1513 — as a political measure, she was es- 


poused to Charles of Austria, afterwards tlie Emperor 
Charles V. ; and again espoused to him, for the same 
reasons, in 1515. As a matter of course the rivalry 
of Francis and Charles annulled all such engagements. 
She enjoyed in her early life the company and influ- 
ence of Margaret : and with her had the advantage 
of the conversation of the Reformers that visited the 
court ; and the writings of those who lived remote 
from Paris. Her education was carefully attended to. 
Not elegant in person, she was endowed with many 
mental qualifications ; quick of wit, and apt to learn, 
she delighted in studying and comprehending those 
branches esteemed difficult, as the mathematics, and 
astronomy, and whatever pertained to the right un- 
derstanding of theolog}% as drawn from the revealed 
will of God. In these things she made proficiency 
beyond the usual attendants on the court. Capable 
of clear conceptions of the true and the pure in prin- 
ciple and in action, and of accurate distinctions in re- 
ligion and morals as exhibited in public or domestic 
life; possessed of ardent afiections, strong feelings, 
and a stronger will, — she decided for herself, the 
course of religious living she should pursue; and 
chose the faith that should be her guide and her com- 
fort. She became the wife of Hercules De Este, 
Duke of Ferrara and Modena, in 1527 ; the same 
year that Margaret became Queen of Navarre, and 
the court of Francis became obsequious to the Pope. 
The Duke was always partial to the Pope, and was 
sometimes swayed by his infiuence to severity. The 
Duchess gathered to her court men of pure and ca- 
pacious minds, and encouraged literature and science 


by her example and her patronage. She paid great 
attention to the education of her five children; of 
whom it was said that, although the mother was not 
prepossessing in her person, her children were among 
the fairest of the age. In times of trouble, the Re- 
formers found a refuge with her. Calvm for a time 
sought her protection. His Institutes of Religion 
became her book of theology. Clement Marot, with 
his translations of the Psalms, took refuge in Ferrara. 
At times the Duke made it prudent for the Reformers 
to retire ; but could never persuade the Duchess to 
abate the strength of her attachment to the doctrines 
she had embraced in her youth. Beza says she es- 
teemed Calvin above all the other Reformers, though 
he never visited her after he became a resident of 

The Duchess was always compassionate to French- 
men in distress. To the remonstrance of her trea- 
surer against her great expense in aiding some dis- 
tressed soldiers returning from a campaign in Italy, 
she replied, that but for the peculiar customs of 
France, these would have been her subjects. The 
Duke of Greve, to whom she had espoused her daugh- 
ter, Ann of Este, sent an officer to batter down the 
walls of Montagris, where she was then residing, unless 
she expelled some Protestants, whom he called rebels. 
She replied to the message: **If you come, I will be 
present in the breach, and I will try whether you will 
have the boldness to kill the daughter of a King. If 
you should commit such a crime, heaven and earth 
will avenge her death, on all your lives, even to the 
very children in their cradles," The Duke paused, 


and troubled her no farther. She died soon after. 
Always ready to help the distressed, she remained 
firm in her faith till the last, though always exposed 
to trials on account of her proximity to the Italian 
States, and especially to Rome, the seat of the papacy. 
Of a sickly habit in her advanced years, her life 
was prolonged to more than three-score years. She 
lived to see the Reformed Church of France com- 
pletely organized as a church, separated from Rome, 
and extending its influence over about half of France. 
She lived to see the malevolence of Catherine de 
Medici, in the horrible massacre of St. Bartholo- 
mew's day, August, 1572. She had mourned the 
death of Margaret, and of her daughter, Jean De 
Albert ; and learned practically the prophet's declara- 
tion, (Isa. Ivii: 1): *'The righteous are taken away 
from the evil to come." And as these two Queens 
did not see the * ' evil" that accompanied the alliance 
with Catherine, she herself did not see the evil that 
followed the intriguing counsels that bewildered 
Henry IV. She went to her final rest June 12, 1575. 

II. The wflucnces clustering round John Calvin. 
One year older than the Duchess of Ferrara, like her, 
he was deeply impressed with the doctrines of the 
gospel as set forth by the Reformers. His education 
was very complete in those studies that fit a man to 
be a commentator on the Scriptures, and enable him 
to write clearly and well. He began early to employ 
his knowledge and talents in making known to others 
the doctrines that had deeply impressed his own mind. 
His success in teachmg the small companies, gathered 


in private houses, drew the attention of friends and 
foes of the Reformation. To avoid arrest, he escaped 
the officer by flight through the window of his study, 
and became an exile from France. Earnestly desirous 
of doing good to his native country, he could not visit 
her often, or prolong his visits. He spent some time 
with the Queen of Navarre, and sometime with the 
Duchess of Ferrara, and some time in Strasburg ; 
and, much against his previous inclination, was in- 
duced by the solicitation of man, and the providence 
of God, to spend his life and labours in Geneva. He 
excelled most of the Reformers in the use of his 
pen. His letters, his Institutes of Religion, and his 
Commentaries on the Scriptures, loose none of their 
interest by the passing of years. In Geneva, in con- 
nexion with the Reformers in Switzerland, some of 
whom, like himself, were Frenchmen, he formed a 
church on the Scripture model, with one order of 
teachers or ministers, with elders for discipline and 
deacons for the benevolent operations of the Church. 
The theory was complete and scriptural; but the 
State insisted on having some voice in the choice of 
the officers of the Church, and in its management. 
From Geneva and other parts of Switzerland, the 
writings of Calvin and the other Reformers, were, by 
the printing-press and colporteurs, sent to all parts of 
France and circulated extensively. From Geneva 
Calvin had correspondence with all parts of Europe, 
and most particularly with France. The productions 
of his pen could go where he was not permitted, and 
could operate silently on men's judgment and heart. 
In adjusting the operations of the Reformed Church 


in France, frequent reference was had to Calvin, 
Beza and Farel ; and by the steady opposition of the 
Government, and refusal to patronize the believers 
desirious of a church connexion, the Reformed Church 
of France came out, the ideal of Calvin in excellence, 
the state having no control in the choice of its officers, 
or in the exercise of discipline, or over the creed. 
Though not in France he was of France, and la- 
boured for her with more success than if he had been 
permitted to live and die, as he had wished, in her 
boundaries. His days were ended May 27th, 1564. 

HI. The cluster of circumstances around Clement 
Marot and Psalmody. — Fontenelle, himself a writer of 
eminence, thinks that Marot did more than all that 
preceded him, in refining and polishing the language 
of France. He set the standard of polite language 
and conversation at court, by the exceeding popular- 
ity of his poetry. His father was a poet of some 
celebrity, and held the post of valet de chambre to 
Francis I. The son Clement held the same position 
for a time. About the year 1520 he was attached to 
the family of the Duke De Alencon, husband of Mar- 
garet, sister of the King. He followed the Duke to 
the army. In the battle of Pavia he was wounded. 
On his return to Paris he was seized and put in pri- 
son on account of a charge of having interfered im- 
properly with some prisoners. By the interposition 
of the King he was set at liberty. Fearing another 
imprisonment, he retired to Navarre to the court of 
Margaret. From thence he went to the court of the 
Duchess of Ferrara. Of Margaret he said — 


Whose pious heart God to Himself doth draw 
Better I trust than amber doth the straw. 

On his return to France, Vatablns, Regius professor 
of Hebrew in the University of Paris, persuaded him 
to translate some of the Psalms of David into French 
verse. Having versified about twenty Psalms, taken 
without numerical order, into lively ballad measure, 
he printed them in 1540 with a dedication to the 
King. The sweetness of the poetry accomplished an 
entire success at the court. The book was received 
as a literary production of great merit. The King 
was pleased with the dedication. The demand for 
copies was greater than the printer could supply. The 
Sorbonne censured the book. The King and court 
carried it triumphantly against all opposition. Being 
in the Troubadour, or ballad measure, one and another 
began to sing them to old ballad tunes. The mem- 
bers of the court had their favourite Psalms and tunes. 
The heir apparent, Henry II. , used to sing the para- 
phrase of the 42d, ** As the hart panteth after the 
water brooks," w^hen he took his exercise in hunt- 
ins. Madame Yalentois chose the 28th, *'Unto Thee 
will I cry, Lord." The queen chose the 6th, *'0 
Lord, rebuke me not in Thine anger." The king of 
Navarre selected the 43rd, *' Judge me, God, 
and plead my cause," which he sung to a cheerful 
tune. The queen mother followed the fashion, as did 
the court, and the I^salms of Ma rot might be heard at 
all times and in all places, in the court, sung to lively 
tunes. Religion for a time was fashionable at least 
in the poetic measures of Marot. In a little time they 
were sung by all classes and in all places. They took 


for a time, the place of national songs. The poet 
was encouraged to paraphrase thirty more Psalms, in 
the same measure. The fifty were printed in Geneva 
in 1543 with a preface by Calvin ; and the circulation 
was wide. They were sung in the ITetherlands in the 
field meetings of the Reformed. 

The eflect on the crowds there was electric and resist- 
less. The first thirty, with eight others by unknown au- 
thors, were printed at Rome, in 1542, in Gothic, by 
order of the Pope. Apprehending the ill-will of the 
Sorbonne, the poet retired to Geneva for a season. In 
1545, an edition of the fifty Psalms was printed at 
Strasburg. It is said that the last Psalm but one in 
the edition at Rome, the paraphrase of the 142d, was 
put in to please Catharine de Medici, the wife of the 
Dauphin, Henry II., she fancying that it suited her 
condition. Beza versified the remaining one hundred 
Psalms ; and these with those of Marot were printed 
in one volume. The circulation in Switzerland was 
extensive. The difterent Psalms were fitted to tunes 
as the taste of people inclined ; and were sometimes 
accompanied by musical instruments. Calvin persua- 
ded two musicians of high repute to set the whole 
number of Psalms to music ; and procured the print- 
ing of the Psalms and music together. In a little 
time, ten thousand copies were sold. Romanists and 
Reformed carried them about as spiritual songs. Peo- 
ple sung them in private, at their meals, and in com- 
pany. With whatever motive they began to sing them, 
the eftect was good upon the conscience. 

The licentious, alarmed at the progress and influence 
of these spiritual songs, and finding the Sorbonne 


could not prevent their circulation, sought for some 
remedy. The Cardinal Lorraine directed the efforts 
of the opposers. He procured the translation of 
odes of Horace, Tibullus and Catullus into French 
metre, for circulation in the court of Francis. Many- 
sung them with joy. In time, lascivious songs took 
possession of the court, in which lasciviousness reigned. 
The influence of Marot's Psalms was more and more 
extended. In 1553, the Psalms of Beza and Marot 
were very extensively used in the congregations of the 
Reformed as a part of public worship, bemg interposed 
as the service went on, for the refreshment of the con- 
gregation. The adoption of them as a part of public 
worship by the Reformed, caused their rejection by 
the Romanists. To sing one of the Psalms of Beza 
or Marot was considered evidence of a desire of reform 
in the Romish church. The simplicity and pathos of 
this version have never been surpassed. The ballad 
measure was finally objected to, as too light for pub- 
lic worship ; and another version was substituted to 
suit the taste of the age with questionable advantage. 
The influence of Marot on the language and poetry 
of France has been enduring, and the good accom- 
plished by introducing the singing of David's psalms 
into the Reformed congregations and families cannot 
be estimated. The poet died in 1554. 

IV. The circumstances connected ivith the Reform 
in Switzerland, the German States, Holland and Great 
Britian. — There were some peculiarities attending the 
reform in each of the kingdom and States in which 
it prevailed. In the German States the civil powers 


were prominent in accomplishing the reform. Two 
influences urged them on — a conviction of the truth 
and soundness of the principles of the Reformers, and 
a conviction that a separation from the power of the 
Pope would be greatly advantageous to the State. It 
is not necessary here to enquire which had the greater 
influence : it is enough to be assured that each had 
influence ; and united, they decided the civil authorities 
to resist the Emperor, the champion of the Romish 
church. The princes resorted to arms, and after 
years of contention and blood, eflected the sepa- 
ration. By the treaty of Passau between the Em- 
peror and Maurice, in 1552, and the Diet of Augs- 
burg, in 1555, the liberty of the German Protestants 
was secured. Those who held to the Augsburg Confes- 
sion, which was madepubhc in 1530, were pronounced 
free from all jurisdiction of the Pope, and all the citi- 
zens of Germany had the privilege of choosing their 
form of worship and system of doctrine. Any mo- 
lestation, of any individual, on account of his church 
connexion, was pronounced a crime against the State. 
The Protestant States, as States, exercised authority, 
in some established way over the subject of religion, 
in its forms, doctrines, discipline, and worship. Freed 
from the authority of the Pope, religion was not free 
from the authority of the State. 

In Great Britain King Henry YIII. eflected a 
separation from the Romish church. He gave such 
reasons as satisfied the EngUsh nation, and more par- 
ticularly himself, that longer union with the Romish 
church was injurious to his dignity and authority in 
his own kingdom, and unfavourable to the prosperity 


of the people at large. Eeform in the Church, so far 
as to render the English branch of the Church inde- 
pendent of the Romish, he caused to be speedily 
effected. The Reform, as it was finally settled under 
Elizabeth, was a work of years, and left the King the 
head of the National Church. 

In the States of Holland the revival and reform 
w^ere moving on, and carrying the fashion of the 
State with it. Like the Protestant States of Ger- 
many, the State held some authority over the proceed- 
ings of the Church. The civil power had contended 
for it, and protected it, and maintained its liberty, and 
claimed some voice in its management. Inform, the 
Church was like that of France. 

In Switzerland the Church was not declared entirely 
independent of the State. The Church and State 
aided each other. The Church instructed and puri- 
fied the State, and the State defended and somewhat 
modified the Church. 

In some things all agreed. There was but one 
opinion about the sufficiency of the Scriptures ; and 
about justification by faith in Christ alone. In all but 
England there was but one order of ministers or 
pastors ; and by office they were all equal. There 
was a difierence about the connexion of Church and 
State. Entire independence of all foreign churches 
and nations was asserted and maintained ; and the 
authority claimed by any civil power over the Church 
was on account of aid and protection yielded to the 
Church by the State. In England the principle of 
reform was guided by the rule, that in addition to 
what the Bible taught as necessary in the form of the 


Chui'cli, things not forbidden might be introduced if 
desirable. All other Protestants acted on the rule, 
that what was not commanded as necessary to the 
form of the Church, was vu'tually forbidden by not 
being mentioned. 

The Confession of Augsburg of 1530, as also the 
Confessions of the Churches of Switzerland were cir- 
culated widely through France ; and their principles, 
both of doctrine and practice, were familiar to those 
desiring reform. The position of the Church of 
England was well understood by all. 

To all these influences may be added the fact of 
negative influence in France. No civil power in 
France, either of the provinces acting through the 
thirteen parliaments, or any of the hereditary princes, 
whether of royal or noble blood, had espoused openly 
the cause of Revival and Reform, except as Francis 
had advocated the Revival of Literatm^e and Science. 
The whole weight of governmental influence was 
against a separation from Rome, or a reform in the 
Church. The revival flourished contrary to the will 
of the State. There was, therefore, liberty to mould 
the form of the Church according to conviction of 
truth. The Word of God was the only authority. 
Example was taken from the Churches founded by the 
Apostles, and those flourishing before the State took 
the Church under its protection, in the time of Con- 
stantine, at which time the deterioration in purity be- 
gan. History was invoked to define and explain the 
additions made to the doctrines, discipline, and form 
of worship in the Christian Church, from the time of 
Constantine down through all the dark ages till the 



time in which they were then acting. There was full 
liberty to mould the Church after the Scripture au- 
thority, and model of the pure ages, rejecting all the 
accumulated mass of forbidden and unrequired things, 
gathered in the revolution of centuries. What was 
required in Scripture was at once received ; what was 
forbidden was rejected ; what was uncommanded was 
passed by as what was refused by the Head of the 

In the midst of these unfavourable and favourable 
circumstances, flowing along together and interming- 
ling, the reformed in France, guided by the Provi- 
dence and blessed by the Spirit of God, were contin- 
ually increasing in numbers. They knew the peril 
of their position ; and under the convictions of con- 
science, went on ; learning caution from their own 
mistakes, and the cunning watchfulness of their 
adversaries. When it became evident that the Rom- 
ish Church would not be reformed, those that desired 
a better state of things, considered carefully what the 
outward form of the Church should be, and what the 
administration of the ordinances. Had not the revi- 
val and effort at reform sprung from the heart of the 
people, irrespective of the rulers, it must have died 
away. The rulers might have fashioned it as Henry 
Vin., or as the German princes did the enlightened 
people of their dominions, but to eradicate the prin- 
ciples of Reform, the people must be eradicated or 

The first preachers had grown up in the National 
Church ; and the first houses for their ministrations 
were the parish churches. When these churches 


were shut against them by authority, their meetings 
for prayer and instruction were held in private houses, 
or in retired places in the open air, or in the woods. 
The early preachers modified the doctrmes and sim- 
plified the worship of the National Church. 

1st. Instead of private confession of sin to the 
priest, a short general confession was made in public 
as of the regular worship. The minister leading in 
the confession. 

2d. The word of God was read ; the selections of 
greater or less length being made' by the minister 

3d. A public prayer was offered, embracing the 
things proper to be prayed for in the pubfic congrega- 

4th. A part, longer or shorter, of Scripture was 

5th. Somewhere in the service the Lord's prayer, 
the Apostle's creed, and the ten commandments were 

6th. The form of baptism was greatly simplified ; 
also the administration of the Lord's supper, and the 
form of marriage and the burial of the dead. 

This simplicity characterized the worship of the 
Reformed from the beginning. After Marot's versi- 
fication of the Psalms, singing became a part of pub- 
lic worship in which all the congregation joined. 
Some of the leading men wrote forms of service, models 
of brevity and exactness. These came into use and 
acquired authority by common consent ; and were a 
conmion bond of worship. When a form of disci- 
pline and worship was publicly agreed upon, these 


forms of service were left untouched and unprescribed ; 
they are still in existence. 

When the hope of a reform in the National Church 
had died away, and a form of discipline, and a creed 
became a necessity, then men and women were asso- 
ciated in companies according to convenience. Proper 
places for worship and suitable persons to take the 
lead, could not be wanting to a people gathered from 
all ranks of people, from the Queen of Navarre, the 
sister of the King, with Eenata the Duchess of Ferra- 
ra, down through the nobility, the landholders, the 
merchants, the soldiers, the mechanics, the learned 
men, the professors in college, and the common people 
of France. The rich and the poor met together, and 
the Lord, their Maker, was the God they worshipped. 
Men were set apart to have the oversight of the asso- 
ciations, to give alarm in time of danger, and to, des- 
ignate the time and place for their meetings when they 
wished them to be unobserved. When circumstances 
permitted, their social worship was regular. Baptism 
was administered when called for, and the ordinance of 
the Supper solemnly set forth, as often as prudence 
permitted ; and the discipline to promote godly living 
carefully attended to, by the proper persons, according 
to the Word of God. The persoQS to teach and watch 
over a given neighbourhood or number of families 
were united in a body called the consistory y or persons 
to stand by each other in a great work. These con- 
sistories were formed all over France, with great pru- 
dence and caution. The members were in posts of 
honor and of danger. 

To perpetuate the gospel ministry, another step in 


the line of order was taken. While every ordained 
man possessed the inherent right and power to pre- 
pare a successor and perpetuate the ministry, it was 
conceded that, according to the Scripture, to promote 
unity of action and harmony of spirit, more than one 
should be engaged in the ordination of ministers; 
and that the number should not be less than three, 
but unlimited as to a greater number ; and that the 
people should take part by the action of their supervi- 
sors or elders. Those set apart for this purpose, and 
those for the mutual oversight of the consistories, 
united, were denominated the Colloquy, or the Con- 
ference. These came into being as necessity called 
for them. In some cases it appears there was a Collo- 
quy of ministers and of elders where there was no di- 
vision into associations ; and these large bodies were in 
time divided and sub-divided, and still held their unity 
under the Colloquy. In other cases small associations 
were united, as they could obtain pastors or teachers, 
and thus formed a Colloquy or Conference. 

The next step of great importance for the preserva- 
tion of order and harmony, and at the same time re- 
quiring great prudence and caution, as a step to be 
taken under the government of a jealous monarchy 
prone to consider religious movements, like those of 
the Reformers, as political offences, was the formation 
of Synods, the uniting of Colloquies contiguous into 
larger bodies, and so bringing together at stated times 
the pastors and elders of a number of Colloquies for 
mutual council and assistance. As there were thir- 
teen provincial parliaments in France named after the 
provinces, it was agreed to form thirteen Synods, to 


be called Provincial, and named after the provinces, as 
the Synod of Daupheny, the Synod of Orleans. This 
, delicate business was completed in 1555, the year 
of the treaty of Augsburg, by which the Protes- 
tants of Germany were confirmed in their religious 

One step more was wanting to complete the organ- 
ization of the Reformed French Church, and the more 
difficult, as its influence was to be more widely extended. 
While Henry II. and his cardinal, Lorraine, were 
urging the parliament to introduce the Inquisition, for 
the purpose of more completely destroying heresy ; 
meaning thereby the Reformers ; and while prepara- 
tions were making to carry out the secret treaty with 
Spain for the general destruction of all heresy, or re- 
form, from Spain and France, by the matrimonial 
alliances of the only sister of Henry H: with the 
Duke of Savoy, and his eldest daughter and Philip H. 
of Spain, this great and desirable event was accom- 
plished. The marriage feasts and the death of Henry 
took place in July, 1559 ; and the National Synod of 
the Reformed French Church was formed in the 
month of May of the same year. 

With concert, without notoriety, eleven pastors of 
the Reformed French Church assembled in Paris, 
May 25, 1559, for the purpose of forming a National 
Synod. Two of the pastors of Paris, one of St. Lo, 
in Normandy, of Anglers, of Orleans, of Tours, of 
Chastelheraud, of Poictiers, of Xantes, of St. John 
of Angeli, and of Marennes. Francis De Morell 
was chosen president. A Confession of Faith, in 
forty articles, drawn up by Chandieu, one of the pas- 


tors in Paris, was presented for consideration ; and 
was adopted as the national creed, or confession. A 
form of discipline, in forty canons, was also adopted 
as the discipline of the National Church. After a 
harmonious session of three days the Synod was 

Mr. Quick, in his Synodicon, says : **The confession 
was presented to Francis II. , king of France, first at 
Amboise in behalf of the professors of the reformed 
religion in that kingdom ; afterwards to Charles IX. , 
at the conference at Poissy. It was the second time 
presented to that king, and at length published by the 
pastors of the French churches in the year 1566, with 
a preface to all the evangelical pastors. It was also 
most solemnly signed and ratified, in the National 
Synod, held the first time at Rochelle, in 1571, the 
year before the Bartholomew massacre, by Jane, 
Queen of Navarre, Henry, Prince of Bearne, Henry 
De Bourbon, Prince of Conde, Lewis, Count of Nas- 
sau, and Sir Gaspard Coligny, Lord High Admiral 
of France." 

The canons of discipline, he says, at first were few 
** yet they did, in three and twenty synods, alter, add, 
amend, and augment and ameliorate till they had 
brought it to that complete form and system for the 
conduct of all their churches, in fourteen chapters and 
two hundred and twenty-two sections, as follows : 

Chap. 1. of ministers. Chap. 4. of the dcaconship 
** 2. of schools. or chanters of the 

** 3. of elders and dea- church. 

cons. <' 5. of the consistory. 


Chap. 6. of the union of ** 10. of religious exer- 

the churches. cises in public 

*' 7. of the colloquies. assemblies. 

*' 8. of provincial sy- ** 11. of baptism. 

nods. *' 12. of Lord's supper. 

" 9. of national sy- ** 13. of marriage. 

nods. *' 14. particular orders 

and regulations. 

The National Synod was a representative body : the 
delegates were sent from the Provincial Synods. In 
this respect it differed from the High Court in the 
Scottish and American Church, which is formed of 
delegates from Presbyteries, or as the French would 
call them. Colloquies. 

The articles of the confession are formed on the 
predestinarian principle: the discipline and worship 
rests on the equality of the clergy in office and au- 
thority. As bands of union, they held the Eeformed, 
or Huguenots, (as they now began to be called,) in 
one brotherhood, under all the violence of persecu- 
tion. As a whole, the confession and discipline were 
a model for the Church of Holland and of Scotland, 
and an improvement on the church polity of Geneva. 
The pastors were called upon to make the devotion to 
the work of the ministry supreme and for life ; the 
elders were warned that they might be expected in 
given circumstances to retire from their labours. To 
the children were promised schools, academies, col- 
leges, universities and divinity schools, as occasion 
might require. 

Thus arranged, the Church came forth from the 


wilderness, "like pillars of smoke perfumed witli 
myrrh and frankincense ;" as she went on she looked 
** forth as the morning, fair as the moon, clear as the 
sun, and terrible as an army with banners." She had 
the honourable position, at that time singular and 
commiserated, of a church in a State, and not of the 
State, not gathered by State authority, not supported 
by State funds, nor defended by State laws ; composed 
of people attached to their country, and loyal to their 
government, paying largely for its support and every 
day exposed to wrongs and outrages, imprisonment 
and death. And in the midst of it all, increasing in 
numbers and influence, and continually spreading out 
its branches. 



From the formation of the National Synod, 1559, and the Treaty 
of Chateau Cambresis, to the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, 
August 24, 1572. 

WHEN it was announced that a treaty of peace 
had been agreed upon, at Chateau Cambresis, in 
1559, between Phihp 11. of Spain and Henry II. of 
France, the ex-Emperor Charles V. was distressed 
in his retirement, and all Europe was surprised. 
There was no reason visible why the war, if rightly 
begun, should not be carried on. Philip had been 
victorious, and might have demanded more than the 
treaty gave him in its published articles. Henry had 
sutfered defeat ; but lost too much by the treaty, if 
he were right in beginning the war for the possession 
of part of the Netherlands. The mystery was not 
solved in that age. From documents long concealed 
from public view, but now before the world, the 
moving cause of the treaty is known to have been 
the contemplated destruction of the Huguenots. 
Cardinal Lorraine, with the knowledge and appro- 
bation of the Pope, proposed to the two Kings to 
cease from war, and unite their powers for the de- 
struction of all that were dissatisfied with the doctrines 
and worship of the Romish church within their two 
kingdoms. A treaty was formed and published to 
the world. A secret article, or treaty, on which the 


other rested, bound the two Kings to mutual assist- 
ance in executing a purpose Philip had long cherished 
as the great object of his hfe, the extinction of all 
that opposed the Church of Rome, the Church of his 
choice. Henry was persuaded to cease contending for 
any part of the ]S"etherlands ; and to unite with Philip in 
subduing it to one standard of faith and practice, with 
the promise of Philip's asssistance to convert or de- 
stroy multitudes of his own loyal subjects. 

One of the articles of the public treaty proposed the 
marriage of Margaret, the eldest sister of Henry, to 
Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy; and of Elizabeth, 
the second daughter, to King Philip of Spain. At 
the celebration of the nuptuals at Paris, King Henry 
insisted on taking a part in the tournament; and, 
running a joust with the Count De Montgomeri, 
received a wound in his eye from a splinter of his 
adversary's spear. From the eftects of this wound 
he in a short time died, (on the 13th of July,) less 
than two months after the meeting of the National 
Synod of the French Reformed, and before he had 
time to prepare any measures for the destruction of 
his subjects. He had, before this marriage, urged 
upon his parliament the propriety of an edict, com- 
pelling the Huguenots to conform to the Church of 
Rome, or leave the kingdom. The parhament re- 
fused the edict. He had permitted the Cardinal 
Lorraine to introduce the IiKjuisition in a modified 
form into France. He died a persecutor of the 

His eldest son, Francis H., in his 16th year, succeed- 
ed him. The Queen mother, the widow of Henry H. , 


Assumed the regency. Two families of the Princes 
of the blood demanded the administration of affairs 
during the minority of Francis ; one represented by 
the King of Navarre and the Prince of Cond6, the 
other by the Cardinal Lorraine and his brother, the 
Duke of Guise. The King of Navarre, of the Bour- 
bon line from St. Louis, claimed the crown of France, 
should the Yalois line, that now held it, fail in male 
heirs. His claim was strengthened for his children, 
in right of his wife, the daughter of Margaret, the 
sister of Francis I. of the house of Valois. The 
nation at large favoured the Bourbon claim. The 
Guises laid claim to the crown, in the same contin- 
gency, on account of their nearness of kin, strength- 
ened by the influence of the Romish clergy, with the 
Pope at their head. The feeble constitution and 
sickly habits of the young King, and the delicate 
appearance of his younger brothers, gave omnious 
forebodings of a protracted regency, with the strong 
probability that the crown would soon depart from 
the Valois line. The succession became a subject of 
thought and conversation throughout the kingdom. 
The two aspirants, the Bourbon and the Guise, gath- 
ered their friends, and were active in extending their 
influence and increasing their numbers. The Bour- 
bon favoured the Huguenots and reform in the Church, 
or a new Church such as the Huguenots had formed. 
The Guise turned to the adherents of the Romish 
church, in whose numbers lay their strength. The 
nobles and their retainers and friends now became 
arrayed in opposition on a political question, who 
should wear the crown of France ; and the struggle 


was furious, till the death of the last of the sons of 
Henry 11. and Catherine de Medici. The adherents 
of Rome were the most numerous, and the Guises 
trusted to force and violence for their ultimate suc- 
cess. The friends of the Bourbons were scattered 
over France. They were not weak, at this conjunc- 
ture of events, in the nobility. The King of Na- 
varre, that claimed the crown, oftered himself as 
leader in the political cause, and as a supporter of 
the Reform in the religious movements. The Prince 
of Cond6, himself a Bourbon, professed to favour 
the cause of the Reformed. The Admiral Coligny 
had become a convert to the doctrines of the Reform- 
ation. Taken prisoner at the battle of St. Quentin, 
he passed the days of his captivity in perusing the 
Bible with great care. Convinced by the word of 
God, he professed faith in Christ alone for salvation. 
Conference with the Reformers after his release, and 
further study of the word of God, led him to embrace 
the doctrines of the Reformed faith. Anxious both 
for the safety of the Reformed and for the glory of 
France, with the approbation and counsel of Calvin, 
he projected a colony of Huguenots in America. In 
the attempts for its accomplishment, he was now 
engaged. The Chatillons embraced the new faith, 
and advocated the Bourbon claim to the crown. 
Many other of the nobility professed their attach- 
ment to the Reformed and the Bourbons. The 
greatest strength of the Reformed was in the middle 
classes of society, the merchants, mechanics, and 
email landholders. In the lower classes they were 
the minority. The strength of the Guise family was 

hefohmep frencb church. 85 

in the nobility and the lower classes, who clung to 
the Church of Rome with bigotted adherence. 

Catherine de Medici, the Queen mother and regent, 
had some settled principles of action ; the maintaining 
her ascendancy as regent during the minority of her 
children ; the preventing the Bourbons from obtain- 
ing the crown, should it pass from her hands; the 
accomplishment of the destruction of the Reformed, 
both in Church and State, as a necessity, if she would 
maintain the regency and disappoint the Bourbons ; 
and lastly the indulgence of unbounded appetites. 
The agreement with Spain for the destruction of all 
opposers of the Romish church was carefully cherished ; 
it was never from her plans or purposes ; it seemed 
to be with her in her waking and sleeping moments, 
and in all her designs of life. For the accomplishment 
of her purposes she gave the powers of an active mind, 
the energy of a powerful will, and the resources of an 
unscrupulous heart ** Circumvention, fraud, decep- 
tion," these were her ** weapons;" and she pursued 
her course unfailing and consistent, till the crown 
passed to the Bourbons. It is to be remembered that 
her purposes were never revealed but by her actions, 
and by time that uncovers all hidden things to the 
historic pen. 

The King of Navarre, the Duke of Cond^, the 
Admiral Coligny, the Cardinal Chatillon, with a great 
number of persons of distinction, met at Vendome, 
in 1560. The Constable Montmorency, whose post 
had been given to the Duke of Guise, sent his secre- 
tary to represent him. Condd proposed taking 
arms to settle the regency: the King of Navarre 


and the Admiral opposed such a step as exposing 
them to the charge of treason ; and proposed a depu- 
tation to the Queen mother to persuade her to 
abandon the Guise pretensions and to favour the 
Bourbon claims ; or as the least favour to grant 
the Huguenots a share in the government, with 
the restoration of their previous oiRces. This propo- 
sition prevailed, and the King of Navarre was sent to 
visit the court. The King, under the influence of the 
Duke and Cardinal Guise, refused him an audience 
except in then* presence ; and finally rejected all his 
propositions and remonstrances. The Queen mother 
with great address gained the confidence of the King 
of Favarre, made him brilliant promises for the future, 
and conferred on him the honour of conducting the 
sister of the late king to the borders of Spain, the 
espoused wife of King Philip, according to the treaty 
formed at Chateau Cambresis. The King of ]S"avarre 
having, with a splendid retinue, performed this office, 
returned to his home in Bearne, satisfied with the 
Queen, her promises, and his expectations, utterly un- 
conscious that, in his simplicity and vanity, he had 
aided in carrying into effect the plans preparing for 
the destruction of the Bourbon hopes and the Reformed 
Church of France. 

Cond6 and many others were greatly dissatisfied 
with the conclusion of their deputation and remon- 
strances. A meetmg was speedily held at La Ferte, 
the patrimonial estate of Cond6 ; and soon after 
another at N"antes. An appeal was made to the Re- 
formed to unite politically for their mutual safety. 
Agents were sent to visit the provinces in the south 


of France in which the Reformed were numerous. 
They were successfal in arousing the whole body to 
demand and to defend their poUtical rights. A poUti- 
cal organization was begun and in about four years 

On the business in hand, it was ultimately agreed 
that a body of unarmed men should appear at the 
gates of Blois, the residence of the court, and demand 
leave to present to the King a petition praying for 
liberty of conscience, and the free exercise of their 
religion ; in other words — to ask for toleration. Small 
bodies of armed men, advancing by different routes, 
were to be in the neighbourhood, prepared for an 
emergency, should the petitioners be unkindly re- 
ceived. The Duke of Conde preceded all, and took 
his abode at Blois with the court. Renaude, to whom 
the general management of the embassy was committed, 
went to Blois to confer with Cond^, and from thence 
to Paris. Confiding the whole design to a citizen of 
that city, a Reformer of some eminence, he was be- 
trayed, and the Duke of Guise was informed of all 
the circumstances of the embassy. The King was 
persuaded to remove to Ambois, and a military force 
was prepared for the occasion. Renaude met the 
embassy and led them to Blois ; and then followed 
the King to Ambois, The guards drove them from 
the gates. While they were waiting in the country 
for the approach of the armed forces, they were again 
betrayed. An ofiicer deserted and revealed to the 
King the names of the leaders, and the roads by 
which the forces were advai^cing. Cond^ was imme- 
diately put under guard, and forces were sent to 


meet the approaching armed bands. Attacked sepa- 
rately as they advanced and suddenly, these bands 
were slain or captured, very few escaping. Some of 
the prisoners were immediately hanged. It is supposed 
that about twelve hundred men perished in that enter- 
prize. Whether the designs of Cond^, with these 
forces, were merely precautionary, or whether he pri- 
vately contemplated violence, can not be determined ; 
nor is the decision a matter of importance ; the spirit 
of the age delighted in violence War was begun. 
And from this time the court called the party Hugue- 
nots and rebels. 

Cond^ asked for a hearing in an assembly of the no- 
bles. His request was granted: the assembly was 
dissolved without a decision. He was soon after 
released. As he was departing, Guise made eflbrts 
for his arrest. Conde avoided him, and sent word to 
the King that he would immediately put himself at 
the head of the Huguenots. A prolonged contest 
with arms was now inevitable. From this time those 
favouring the Bourbon line of succession and reform 
in the Komish church, were called Huguenots, as a dis- 
tinctive party term. Guise, to strengthen himself, 
proposed to establish the Inquisition in France. The 
Chancellor Michael Le Hospital, the wisest statesman 
of the age, and among the wisest France ever pro- 
duced, was an advocate for toleration. He gave two 
reasons for his opinion: first, the justice of the thing 
itself, resting on man's relation to his fellow-men, and 
to his God ; and secondly, the large and increasing 
number of the Keformers^ or Huguenots, who as loyal 
Qitizens of France, had equal rights with the Romish 


party. Unable to obtain toleration, be proposed tbat 
all charges for heresy should be tried and disposed of 
by the bishops alone, thus separating the power of 
the State from the persecuting power of the Church. 
The Romish party complained of this proposition as 
less advantageous to them than the Inquisition, which 
blended the two powers, and made the persecution of 
the Church terrible ; the Huguenots thought their 
cause prejudged by being committed to the Romish 
clergy for decision, as the Church of Rome had dun- 
geons if she could not take hfe by public executions. 
Cohgny complained that families were ruined by the 
Bishop's courts. 

The Queen regent called a meeting of the princi- 
pal persons of the kingdom. They assembled at Fon- 
tainbleau in August 1560. The royal family was 
present with the Cardinals Bourbon and Lorraine, the 
Duke of Guise and the Constable Montmorency, who 
came with six hundred horse, putting himself in the 
position of Cond^ a few months preceding, the Chan- 
cellor Les Hospital, the Admiral Coligny, the Mar- 
fihalls Brissac and St. Andr6, the Archbishop of 
Vienne, the Bishops of Orleans and Valence, and 
many others. The Admiral assured the assembly 
that the principal discontents arose from the persecu- 
tion for diiference in religion. He presented a peti- 
tion from Normandy humbly asking redress. ** Your 
petition," said the King, "bears no signatures of 
names." ** True," said Coligny; **but if you will 
allow us to meet for the purpose, I will in one day 
obtaui fifty thousand in Normandy alone." He con- 
cluded his earnest address by asking for full toleration 


in religion. A debate ensued. A proposition was 
made, that the citizens of France should be compelled 
to conform to the old established Church, or quit the 
kingdom, with leave to sell their estates. It was car- 
ried by three votes. The Chancellor and Huguenot 
lords showed the unreasonableness of enforcing this 
resolution, with so small a majority. Two of the 
bishops declaring they felt the necessity of reforma- 
tion in the Church, asked for moderate measures, and 
proposed an assembly of the States for the decision of 
these matters, to be held on tlie 13th of December, 
at Meaux, to be assisted by a national council. To 
this the meeting agreed. 

The Pope sent a nuncio to France to prevent, if 
possible, a national council ; and to promise the reas- 
sembling of the Council of Trent. The Queen regent, 
however, with the young King, endeavoured to per- 
suade the King of Navarre and the Prince of Cond4 
to attend the assembly. On account of the charges 
of exciting the Huguenots of Dauphiny to rebellion, 
made by Guise against Conde, it was long before they 
could be prevailed on to promise attendance. In Oc- 
tober the royal family removed to Orleans, at which 
place, by the influence of Guise, the assembly w^as to 
])e held. About the close of the month the King of 
Navarre and Cond6 arrived. Cond6 was immediately 
put under guard; and his mother-in-law, Madame 
Koy, sister of Admiral Coligny, was arrested and 
sent to St. Germains, on account of the aflairs at 
Ambois. Cond^ was soon brought to trial by Guise, 
pronounced guilty of high treason, and condemned to 
death. His execution was prevented by the sudden 


death of the young King, Francis II., who expired 
on the 6th day of December, 1560, from an abcess 
in his ear. He died without children ; and in his last 
moments expressed satisfaction that -he did not leave 
infants to expose the country to the evils of a long 
minority. His beautiful widow, the daughter of a 
King, and niece of the Duke of Guise, just blooming 
into womanhood, has, by her after life, excited the 
sympathy of the readers of history, as Mary, Queen 
of Scots. The crown passed to Charles IX., the sec- 
ond son of Henry II. and Catherine de Medici — a 
lad of ten years. The Queen mother, sensible that 
the question of the regency would now be revived, 
with great earnestness, set Conde at liberty, and de- 
clared him free from the crime for which he had been 
condemned; and promised the King of Navarre, 
whom she had beguiled on a former occasion, that he 
should be Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. By 
apparently favouring the Huguenots, she maintained 
her influence in the regency, and in the kingdom, 
and could carry on her designs for the Romish church. 

The States met on the 13th of December. The 
Chancellor opened the meeting with a speech of great 
cogency on the ill-policy of persecution, and proposed 
an abatement of the suflerings of the Huguenots till 
their complaints could be heard in a national council. 
Some were for appointing the King of Navarre regent 
of the kingdom. The Assembly dissolved without 
coming to any conclusion on subjects that immedi- 
ately concerned the Huguenots. 

In this perplexing position, on the urgent applica- 
tion of many of the Huguenots, the Admiral and 


King of Navarre, with the Prince of Cond^, presented 
a petition to the young King. It was referred to the 
privy council. By them it was laid before parlia- 
ment. After a discussion on its merits, as involving 
toleration in religion, an edict was passed in July, 
1561, prohibiting all further persecutions on account 
of religion ; at the same time forbidding the exercise 
of any other than the Romish religion, either pubhcly 
or privately. It was also agreed that a conference 
between representatives of the Romish church, and 
of the Reformers, on the doctrines of the two parties, 
and the necessity of reformation, should be held at 
Poissy, in the presence of the King and court, with 
liberty of free discussion. 

The conference commenced on the 9th of Septem- 
ber, 1561, in the great refectory of the Convent. 
Cardinal Lorraine appeared for the Romanists, with 
five other Cardinals, four Bishops, and a number of 
theologians. Theodore Beza went over from Geneva, 
upon earnest solicitation, in which John Calvin joined, 
and appeared for the Reformers, with Peter Martyr 
and eleven of the most accredited pastors, and with 
twenty-two representatives of the great body of the 
Reformed in France. The young King presided. He 
first took his seat at one end of the refectory, his 
mother by his side ; and on each side were ranged 
the princes of the court, with Cardinal Lorraine and 
his assistants ; all attired in their most splendid robes 
of office. In front of them was a railing thrown 
across the refectory, giving to the scene the appearance 
of a judicial enquiry, instead of the free conference 
proposed; in which the advocates of the Romish 


church had prevailed upon the young King to give 
them seats as associate judges. This assumption 
they claimed through the whole conference ; and un- 
der it covered, if not their defeat, at least their want 
of victory. 

The door was opened for the Reformers. Beza 
entered, followed by the twelve pastors and twenty- 
two representatives. As they proceeded up the great 
aisle, with gravity, the simple black cloaks. and caps 
of the pastors contrasted with the purple and gold of 
the prelates ; and the plain dress of the representa- 
tives, with the splendour of the courtiers. Unex- 
pectedly Beza found his progress arrested by the rail- 
ing. Aroused by this appearance of a trial, in place 
of a conference, he stood erect, and looked around 
upon the King, the Queen mother, the court, the 
clergy, and their adherents, for a moment ; then bow- 
ing respectfully to the King, he said, ** Sire, our help 
is in the name of the Lord, who made heaven and 
earth." Then bowing the knee, and his companions 
reverently kneeling around him, he poured forth a 
confession and prayer. 

**Lord God, Father, Eternal and Almighty, we bear 
in mind and confess before Thy Holy Majesty, that we 
are poor sinners, born in corruption, inclined to evil, 
incapable of ourselves to do good, and who transgress 
every day, and many ways. Thy holy commandments ; 
whereby we bring down upon ourselves, by Thy just 
judgment, condemnation and death. But, Lord, we 
are truly grieved that we have offended Thee ; and 
we, condemning ourselves and our sins, with true 
repentance, turn humbly to Thy grace, and beseech 


Thee to relieve our misery. Be pleased to have pity 
upon us, most glorious God, Father of mercy, and 
pardon our offences for the sake of Thy Son, Jesus 
Christ, our Lord. Grant to us, and continually in- 
crease in us, the graces of Thine Holy Spirit, so that, 
knowing more and more of our faults, and being 
deeply affected by them, we may renounce them with 
all our hearts, and show forth the fruits of holiness 
and uprightness that may be acceptable to Thee 
through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen." 

After this confession, Eeza prayed for the King, 
the kingdom, the Church of God, and all mankind. 
Then rising, and receiving permission to speak, he 
delivered a well prepared and condensed statement 
and defence of the doctrines of the Keformers and 
necessity of the Reformation. His simplicity of style, 
and earnestness of manner, gained the undivided 
attention of the audience. The articles of belief and 
their superiority over those of Rome, were urged with 
directness and vigor. It was evident he had much 
truth on his side ; and that his cause was not losing 
in his hands. The boldness of his assaults upon the 
doctrines and practices of Rome rejected by the Re- 
formed, was alarming. The Cardinals and Bishops 
and Theologians could not wait their time to answer ; 
but expressed in various ways their annoyance and 
increasing displeasure ; some ^even rising to their feet 
and threatening to depart, that they might hear no 
more. At the conclusion, all were convinced that 
the cause of the Reformation was no slight affair, and 
Beza no common adversary. In due time replies 
were given, and rejoinders made. Lorraine was the 


principal manager for Rome, and Beza for the Eeform. 
Lorraine exhibited his reading, his address and versa- 
tility; Beza displayed his learning, ready-wit, and 
powers of debate, with a spirit both tender and bold. 
With Calvin's power and comprehension, he had less 
of the severity of keenness, and more suavity, and 
was altogether the best man for hia position in the 
w^hole body of able Reformers. Self-balanced, con- 
scious of right, free from haughtiness, not subject to 
unmanly fears, frank in debate, bold in his statements 
and defence of reformation, and winning in his man- 
ners, and a master of dialectics, he did all man could 
do for the Reform, and was unanswered if nof unan- . 
swerable. When in the conference, he exclaimed, 
with uphfted hands and strong voice, **The body of 
Jesus Christ is as far from bread and wine as heaven is 
from earth," the prelates sprung to their feet and clam- 
ored. But the impression was general, and not easily 
dissipated. The conference was not closed till some 
time in November. Its proceedings were in various 
forms of papers offered, propositions made, discussions 
and interviews. Beza and Lorraine had a private 
and extended interview. All attempts to entangle 
Beza were vain. One day Lorraine presented some 
extracts from the Augsburg Articles on the subject of 
transubstantiation, and asked Beza to sign them, say- 
ing, * ' There can be no objection. " * * Your Eminence 
will commence the subscription," said Beza. **]^ot 
I," exclaimed Lorraine; *<I am not bound to sub- 
scribe to the declaration of any Master." Catherine, 
the Queen, mother, insisted on a common formula. 
One was presented, which Beza, in his honesty, and 


Lorraine, in his versatility, accepted ; but the others 
rejected as incompatible. 

During the conference, Coligny, at the request of 
Beza, presented a list of the Reformed congregations. 
The number was 2050. Beza preached repeatedly at 
Poissy, and with great success. The conference came 
to a close. No decision was made by the King and 
council, which shows that the Reformers, were not 
answered, and the court was not ready to do them 

Margaret, the sister of the young King, and after- 
wards the w^ife of Henry IV., whose wedding was 
connected with the Bartholomew massacre, says, in 
her observations on this conference : '* At the time of 
the Colloquy at Poissy, all the court was inclined to 
the new religion, by the earnest persuasion of many 
lords and ladies of the court; and especially my 
brother Anjou, (Henry HI.) whose infancy could not 
avoid an impression of that religion. He, with in- 
cessant importunity, did call upon me to change my 
religion, after casting my howries into the fire, and 
in their stead giving me the Psalms and prayers of 
the Huguenots, constraining me to take them." She 
adds that the Bishop of Tournan speedily suppUed 
her howries, giving her counsel and advice ; and that 
some friends of her brother, anxious to preserve her 
from the influence of the Bishop, and her governess, 
reproved her strongly, and said, **It was mere child- 
ishness and folly that made me do so ; and that it did 
well appear I had no capacity ; that all those of any 
discretion, of whatever age or sex they were, hearing 
grace preached, were retired from the abuses of the 


old superstition. But I, they said, was as very a fool 
as my governess." 

Beza remained in France about two years, and 
preached with great acceptance. The Reformed em- 
braced the edict of July, which forbid all persecution 
for religion's sake. Their meetings for public w^or- 
Bhip, in the city of Paris, were often very large, 
amounting to thousands, protected by armed men, 
the women being placed in the centre. About the 
close of the year, after the conference at Poissy, a 
disturbance took place in the suburbs of St. Marsel. 
A congregation of Huguenots assembled in a garden 
near a Catholic chapel. When the minister began to 
preach, the bells of the church began to ring. The 
congi-egation sent persons to entreat the priests to 
command silence in the belfry. One of the messen- 
gers was killed in the fray that followed. The con- 
gregation rushed into the chapel, beat down the 
images, and threatened to set fire to the steeple unless 
the annoyance ceased. On the next day the seats 
where the Huguenots worshipped were burned. A 
council was called by the Queen mother, and an edict 
issued January 2d, 1562, granting the Huguenots the 
free exercise of their religion, in the country, and in 
the suberbs of all the cities, provided the w^orshippers 
went unarmed. 

While the Huguenots were rejoicing in this liberty, 
Antony, King of [N'avarre, was beguiled by the Queen 
regent, the pope's legate, and the Spanish embassador 
to believe that his regency and the prospects of his family 
for the throne,should the house of Valois fail, would be 
greater, and his claims less disputed were he to profess 


the Romish faith. The Pope's legate proposed that 
he should divorce his wife, Jean De Albert, mother of 
the young prince, afterwards Henry IV. , and marry 
the widowed Queen of Scots. The Spanish embas- 
sador offered him either Navarre restored as a king- 
dom, or a new one in Africa. There was to be a 
public dispute ; in it the Huguenot champion was to 
yield to the Romish, and Antony to profess conver- 
sion. In the event he professed himself reconciled to 
the Romish church, had a post in the council, and 
took his residence in Paris. The Queen mother was 
all this time plotting to secure the crown for her daugh- 
ter, Claude, who had married the Duke of Lorraine 
and had children, alarmed by the declaration of an 
astrologer that her sons would die without issue 
and the crown would pass to the Bourbon line. An- 
tony of Navarre began to act against the Huguenots 
of Paris. He invited the Duke of Guise, with whom 
he had become reconciled, to come to Paris and assist 

Bcza visited Paris and preached to great crowds in 
the open air ; once it is said to not less than forty thou- 
sand, and seldom to less than eight thousand. The 
confession be uttered at the opening of the confe- 
rence became very popular, and was called Beza's 
Confession. It was, however, in all probability drawn 
up by Calvin as a form and example of confession, and 
was widely circulated among the congregations. It is 
in use among the Reformed in France to this day, for 
their public confession of sins. 

(/ardinal Lorraine said many tilings in favour of the 
Bible as God's word, and even declared his approba- 


tion of the Augsburg Confession. The Duke of 
Guise, who soon shed the blood of the Reformed at 
Vassy, gave assurance that he would favour the Re- 
formed in France, and even adopt the Augsburg Con- 
fession, the popular creed of the Protestants of Ger- 
many, if the Huguenots would advocate his claims 
to the crown, instead of defending the Bourbon line. 
Like Antony of Navarre and Henry IV., in view 
of the glittering crown of France, he would adoi)t the 
religion most likely to gain him the greatest aid in 
obtaining the prize for himself and his house. 

Bcza remonstrated with Antony of ITavarre on the 
strangeness of his course in permitting himself to be 
tampered with, about a divorce, and a new kingdom, 
and a change of the religion he had professed. An- 
tony professed to think that the form of religion was 
of small account, and that the mass of men might be 
moulded to any form their skilful leader desired. 
** Ah, sire," said Beza, <* remember the Church is an 
anvil on which many a hammer has been broken.'* 
Antony's race was soon run; he died of wounds 
received in the first siege undertaken against the 

In March of this year (1562) the Duke of Guise 
passed through Vassy, on his way to Paris, by the 
invitation of Antony, with a great retinue. Some of 
his followers provoked a quarrel with a congregation 
of Huguenots worshipping in a barn. Blood was 
shed. The Duke ordered his men to fire upon the 
people. The congregation was dispersed, leaving 
sixty dead and two hundred wounded. The Duke 
himself had received a. wound, This was the first 


blood shed in the reign of Charles IX. by the Hugue- 
nots in defence of their religious worship, granted 
them by the edict of January. The news of this as- 
sault spread over the country rapidly. All France 
was excited. The Duke of Cond^, the Chancellor, 
and the Admiral applied to the Queen mother for 
redress, but in vain. The King of Navarre publicly 
justified the Duke for the assault made, as was al- 
ledged, to repel an insult offered to his train in Vassy ; 
and, with the Duke, took possession of the royal 
family, conducted them to Paris, and garrisoned the 
city. The Huguenots took possession of Orleans. 
Orders were given at Paris to burn all the houses in 
the suburbs in which the Huguenots had held worship. 
In effecting this order a number of Reformed preach- 
ers were slain, and others were thrown into prison. 

It is reported of the Duke of Guise, that at the 
massacre at Vassy, a book, picked up near the place 
of Huguenot worship, was handed him ; looking at 
it, he handed it to his brother, the Cardmal Lorraine. 
<* There is no harm in that," said the Cardinal, ** it is 
the Bible." ** The Bible !" said the Duke, '' that was 
written fffteen hundred j^ears ago, and this book was 
printed last year," 

The Admiral, Coligny, with a great member of of- 
ficers, and gentlemen, and soldiers, repaired to Or- 
Jeans. Conde was declared chief. A manifesto was 
issued, declaring that they were compelled to take up 
arms to redress the wrong done the King by the late 
seizure, and maintain the edict of January, which had 
been violated ; and that they were resolved to die to- 
gether for the liberty of the King and Jiis family, and 


the preservation of the laws. The Queen mother 
used all her address to draw oft' Cond(^, as she had 
the King of Navarre. Conferences were held, but in 
vain. Both sides prepared for battle. Eouen, forti- 
fied by the Huguenots, was attacked. Taken by as- 
sault, the town was delivered up to the fury of the 
soldiers and plundered for eight days. The King of 
Navarre received a wound, from the effects of which 
he died in a few days. The Duke of Nevers was 
also slam. The whole court were present at the 

The flames of civil war spread over the land and 
scenes of cruelty and blood were enacted that can 
be justified by no provocation. Marshall Montluc 
details, with savage delight, the cruelties he exercised 
upon the Huguenots of Guienne. On the 18th of 
December, 1562, the battle of Dreux was gained by 
the party that had possession of the young king. The 
commanders of each army, Conde and Montmorency, 
were taken prisoners. In the beginning of the year 
1563, Orleans was besieged. On the 18th of Feb- 
ruary, Guise was mortally wounded. A soldier named 
Poltrot entered the army as a deserter, and after 
watching his opportunity for three days, shot him 
with three poisoned balls. On his examination, Pol- 
trot impeached the Admiral, Rochefoucault and Beza. 
Afterwards he declared the Admiral innocent. The 
family of Guise affected to believe the impeaclmient, 
and never forgave the Admiral ; and on the fatal eve 
of St. Bartholomew satisfied their vengeance with his 
blood. On the ninth of March following, a treaty 
was concluded, allowing the Huguenots the free exer- 


cise of tlieir religion iu every town throughout the 
kingdom, except Paris. 

In the beginning of 1564, the Queen mother and 
the young King began a journey through the pro- 
vinces for his instruction and improvement. She had 
persuaded the parliament at Rouen to declare that 
Charles IX. had arrived at his majority, then thirteen 
and one half years old ; the parliament of Paris having 
declared that his minority continued till he was fourteen 
years of age. They spent a year in the provinces on the 
borders of Germany, and, at the commencement of 
the year 1565, reached Languedoc. There they passed 
the Carnival. The Queen of Spain, the eldest sister 
of the King, with the Duke of Alva, met them at 

Amid a continual round of feasts and tourna- 
ments, the Queen mother and the Duke discussed 
the best means of carrying into effect the secret treaty of 
Henry II. and Philip of Spain. It was agreed that 
Charles IX. should act in concert with Philip in ful- 
filling the provisions of the treaty. Alva proposed 
that Charles should immediately seize the chief men 
of the Huguenots and strike off their heads. The 
Queen mother thought that proceeding unadvisable at 
that time. The mother and daughter parting, Charles 
and his mother visited the Queen of Navarre. All 
their efforts to bring the newly widowed Queen to the 
faith of Rome proved vain. Tolei-ation of the Romish 
church in her dominions waB granted, together with 
the restoration of the lands that had been taken from 
the Romish clergy. The artful Queen mother gained 
one advantage over the young widow by persuading 

:reformed frencb churcb. 103 

her, with her son Henry, to accompany herself and 
her son, Charles IX. , to Paris. . 

The personal religion of the young Queen of Na- 
varre, Jean D' Albert, was much improved by her 
reflections accompanying the death of her mother, 
Margaret, the sister of Fraucis I. The circumstances 
attending her husband's first visit to the court of 
France, and the bewildering influence exercised upon 
him by the Queen mother, and more particularly his 
appointment by her as Lieutenant-General of France, 
followed by his embracing the Komish faith, aroused 
the spirit of enquiry in his wife. The subject of 
reform in the Romish church, together with the doc- 
trines and practices and forms of worship proposed 
by the Reformers, and embraced by the Huguenots, 
were carefully examined in their personal bearings 
and political relations. In conclusion, her previous 
predilections for her mother's faith became abiding 
principles. She was a Huguenot in heart and by 
profession. In her future course she was undeviating 
in her attachment to the principles of Reform. With 
less cunning and tact in the management of men, but 
with vastly more elevated principles of action toward 
God and man, she persued her plans for the reform 
and advancement of her kingdom, with a perseverance 
not surpassed by the Queen mother in her eftbrts for 
the destruction of the Huguenots, and for the succes- 
sion of the crown of France to pass to a Romish line, 
in case of the failure of her own house. For ages 
France was swayed for good and for evil by her Queens 
and the women of the court. Their principles, their 


fancies, their passions were predominant in deciding 
the fate of the kingdom. 

The Queen mother used rehgion as a state engine ; 
and might have been a Protestant had her interests 
seemed to be more involved with the Reformed than 
with the Eomanists. Jean D' Albert was a Protes- 
tant from conviction. Religion was to her a reality 
of immeasurable importance. It took deep hold of 
her heart. The principles of the Reformed swayed 
her judgment and her feelings. *'If," said she, on 
an occasion that called forth her sentiments, **if I 
held in my hand the kingdom of Navarre and the 
Prince, my son, I would sooner cast them both into the 
sea then partake of the mass." In her will, she says to 
her son, quoting from the Bible : ** The Lord saith, 
them that honour Me I will honour, they that despise 
Me shall be lightly esteemed." Having in her right 
as Queen of Navarre forbidden in her dominions the 
exercise of any other religion than the Reformed, and 
having deprived the clergy of their livings, she was 
■persuaded to declare toleration in her kingdom and to 
restore to the Romish clergy their lands ; and at the re- 
quest of the Queen mother of France, set an example of 
queenly moderation and excellence which that Queen 
mother would not, could not follow. In yielding to 
the re(|uest to visit Paris with her son, the Queen of 
Navarro was beguiled. 

The Queen of Navarre, her son, Prince Henry, 
and her daughter Elizabeth, accompanied King 
Charles and his mother to l^aris. The Prince was 
now about twelve years of age, agreeable, polite, 


obliging and easy in his manner, and very respectful 
in his conversation. His countenance was open and 
prepossessing, his hair a little red and his face finely 
shaped, his eyes' full of sweetness, his skin brown, 
but clear, and all his features were animated with un- 
common vivacity. This heir apparent of the French 
crown, the son of Anthony De Bourbon and Jean 
D' Albert, Queen of Navarre, was born December 13, 
1553. His grandfather, Henry D' Albert, exacted a 
promise from his daughter, Jean, to sing a song to 
him while in labour, **in order," said he, ** that you 
may bring me a child that will neither weep nor make 
wry faces." The daughter fulfilled her promise, sing- 
ing a song in her native Bearnois. Henry entered as 
soon as the child was born, and took him, before he 
uttered a cry, and carrying him to his apartment, 
rubbed his little lips with a bit of garlic, and made 
him suck some wine from a golden cup * ' to make his 
constitution vigorous." The child grew up at the cas- 
tle Coarasse, in Bearne, amid rocks and mountains. 
His grandfather would have him clothed and fed like 
the children of that country ; and accustomed him to 
run up and down the rocks, often going bare-footed 
and bare-headed. His ordinary food was brown 
bread, beef, cheese and garlic. In the cradle he was 
called Prince of Viane. Soon after he had the title 
of Duke of Beaumont, and then Prince of iTavarre. 
His education was carefully attended to by his mother. 
La Gaucherei, a learned man and a Calvinist, was ap- 
pointed his preceptor. While a young child, he was 
presented to Henry H., the cousin of his mother. 
^*Will yoa be my son?" said the King. The 


little prince, pointing to his father, said, in Bearnois, 
** He is my father." *' Then will you he my son-in- 
law?" ^^Oh," said the little prince, '* with all my 
heart." After a visit of about a year. Queen Jean 
and her children returned to Navarre. In his early 
youth, he says of himself, he only thought of being 
King of Navarre, and of regaining from the King of 
Spain the domains of his ancestors. An observation 
of this prince, during the visit of King Charles at 
his mother's court, was never forgotten by Conde and 
the Admiral Coligny. The young prince, being 
much with the Queen mother, heard something of the 
plot to exterminate the Huguenots. He repeated it 
to his mother with the expresssion : *' One salmon is 
worth many little fish ;" and she communicated the 
saying of the child to Coligny and Conde. The 
comparison was not lost upon them. An apprehension 
of some fearful design by the Queen mother for the 
ruin of themselves and their adherents influenced 
them in all their plans and movements in after life. 
The cloud of mystery was occasionally rent before the 
Eve of St. Bartholomew. 

The Queen mother now attempted a reconciliation 
between the family of Guise and that of Chatillon, 
that she might induce Cond6 and Coligny to reside at 
court. In 1566 she convened all the parliaments of 
the kingdom at Maulins. The general aiiairs of the 
kingdom being arranged, she attempted the reconcilia- 
tion of the two families. Her address seemed equal 
to the design. The conclusion was greater exaspera- 
tion than ever. She ordered both parties to quit the 
court; and retained the Marshal Montgomery, and 


also the Cardinal Lorraine, who was possessed 
of all her secrets respecting the Huguenots, being 
the promoter of the treaty on which her plans were 
formed. The Eomish party manifested increasing 
dissatisfaction at the privileges of the Huguenots ; and 
the Huguenots strenuously asserted their right to free 

At the request of Admiral Cohgny, the German 
Protestant princes sent an embassy to Charles IX., to 
entreat him to allow the Huguenots full liberty in the 
exercise of their religion. This embassy, and the 
bold language of the Admiral and Conde, irritated 
the King. After an interview with Coligny al^out 
the Huguenots, he returned to his mother's apartment 
in a violent passion, and said to her, ''It is no use to 
dissemble ; the opinion of the Duke of Alva is right." 
He referred to the opinion at Bayonne. 

The Duke of Alva, on his way to the Netherlands, 
in 1567, with his small but well-appointed army, 
passed along the borders of France. The King col- 
lected forces ostensibly to guard his kingdom from 
any violence from the Spaniard. The Huguenots, 
sus])ecting the real object, made offers by their own 
forces, to drive back the foreigners, or destroy them 
hi the mountain passes, saying the Spaniards made 
all their conquests under the mask of friendship. 
The King, not wishing Alva to be disturbed, and 
resolved on collecting an army, refused the offer, and 
continued gathering forces vmder pretence of fear of 

In an assembly of the Huguenots, held in the sum- 
mer, at St. Valery, information was circulated that 


the court had resolved to arrest the Admiral Coligny, 
and the Prince Cond(^, and had other severe mea- 
sures in contemplation. The Asseml)ly separated 
without determining upon any course of action. The 
Huguenots, comprehending all that favoured the Bour- 
bon succession, and those that desired reform in the 
Romish church, were becoming organized as a politi- 
cal body, under the influence of two examples : the 
provincial parliaments of France, of which there 
were thirteen in the kingdom, and the form of 
discipline and government of the Reformed French 
<Jhurch, to which all that made pretension to piety 
])elonged. From both they learned independence and 
separate action ; from the latter, individual represen- 
tation and unity of organization. The court expected 
to move the people through the feudal officers, and 
the confessional; the Huguenots by their popular 
assemblies. To the Huguenots, the political move- 
ments were a novelty ; and the seat of power was not 
yet accurately defined. As the Assembly at St. 
Valery had not proposed a course of action, the lead- 
ing men held a conference at Chatillon. They re- 
solved to prepare for war in all ways, and as speedily 
as possible. The Admiral proposed to seize the King 
and (ineen mother, who were then at Monceaux. 
The conference agreed. The 27th of September was 
named as the day for the chiefs to assemble at Rose 
with all their cavalry. Their counsels were betrayed 
to the Queen mother. The court fled to Meaux for 
the protection of the Swiss troops. Feeling unsafe, 
they set out for Paris under their care ; and, though 
greatly pressed by Cond(^ and the Admiral, all arrived 

Reformed feencii Church. 109 

in safety, except the Cardinal Lorraine, who left his 
carriage and fled through bye-paths. Paris was im- 
mediately besieged ; and early in October the Hugue- 
nots were at the very walls. The greatest eiibrts 
were made by both parties for reinforcements and 

A great battle was fought at St. Dennis on the eve 
of St. Martin's. The Constable, in his 78th year, at 
the head of the royal army, was mortally wounded, 
and died the next day. The Huguenots remained 
one day at St. Dennis to care for the dead and 
wounded. They then withdrew to wait for the com- 
ing of some German allies. The junction was'formed 
on the 11th of January, 1568. Coligny pressed the 
royalists vigorously, disconcerting all their plans. 
The King became discouraged, and proposed terms of 
peace, yielding to the Huguenots all their demands 
for toleration in religion, both in public and private 
worship, on condition of disbanding their forces, 
delivering up the towns they had taken, and 
no more associations to be formed, and no more 
money to be levied. The treaty was signed at Long- 
jumeau in March, and proclaimed at Paris. This 
treaty was fatal to Coligny. He could never again 
obtain as favourable an opportunity of entirely rout- 
ing the Guises, and settling the affairs of the Hugue- 
nots on a firm foundation. The Queen mother be- 
guiled him with a treaty that depended on her will to 
execute, when just before him was a treaty to be 
made she could not fail to execute. A kind-hearted, 
brave old man, honest, frank, he could not beUeve, 
or perhaps fathom, the duplicity of the Queen mother. 


She never rested till his blood atoned for her dis- 
gracefal flight. 

The King, tlie Queen mother, and the Guises had 
made peace only that they might wrest from the Hu- 
guenots the advantages of victory, and might prepare 
for war. Their activity alarmed Conde and the Ad- 
miral. They assembled forces at Rochelle, and in 
September the Queen of Navarre and Prince Henry 
came there with three thousand infantry and four 
hundred horse. The king repealed all the edicts in 
favour of the Huguenots, displaced all that were in 
his employ, prohibited the exercise of their religion, 
and ordered all their ministers to leave France. The 
armies under the Admiral and the Duke of Anjou, 
met at Aubeterre. The Huguenots gained the advan- 
tage. The armies retired to winter quarters. The 
Queen of England sent money, artillery, and ammu- 
nition to Rochelle, to aid the Huguenots. Hostilities 
were renewed early in the year 1569, In March was 
fought the battle of Jarnac. The Prince of Conde 
went into battle with one arm in a sling, and one leg 
fractured by the kick of a horse; and bore down 
everything before him till his horse received a fatal 
shot. An officer named Argis received his sword, 
and removed him a little apace Irom the battle. Sit- 
ting;, faint from w^ounds received in the thickest of the 
fight, and defenceless, the J5aron He Montesquieu, 
captahi of the Duke of Anjou's guards, came upon 
him and sliot him dead. The battle was gained by 
the royalists. The Huguenots were entirely routed. 
Their greatest loss was in their valiant young leader, 
cut down in his fortieth year. 


During the Bummer anotlier fierce battle was fought 
at MoBcanteur, after many skirmishes and small en- 
counters at other places. The Huguenots, reinforced 
by German troops, were entirely successful in the 
early part of the battle. The Admiral broke through 
the van of Anjou's army. Prince Henry of Ka- 
varre, stationed on a hill at a short distance, seeing 
that the Admiral was not reinforced, cried out, ^ ' We 
are losing our advantage, and we shall lose the bat- 
tle." The Admiral was wounded in the cheek ; the 
German forces gave way, and the army was routed, 
with the loss of eight thousand men and all the bag- 
gage of the Germans. The military errors of the 
Duke of Anjou saved the Huguenot army from entire 
ruin, and the Huguenot party from a complete over- 

The court supposed the Huguenots were annihi- 
lated ; and were greatly surprised in the spring of 1570 
to find them in arms, crossing the Rhone, routing the 
royalists, and halting for refreshment in the countiy 
of the Bourgeuois. Speedily the news reached them 
that Prince Henry of [N'avarre, in the sickness of the 
Admiral, had met the Marshal Cope and the Duke 
of Anjou after an unsuccessful attempt upon Rochelle, 
and had gained an advantage over them both. The 
court were alarmed, and sent commissioners to treat 
for peace. The negotiations lasted till August ; and 
ended in a treaty confirming and granting to the Hu- 
guenots full liberty of conscience, the public profession 
of their religion, with all other privileges conceded in 
former treaties. Four towns, Rochelle, which kept 
the sea open for succours from England, La Charite, 


which kept the passage of the Loire, Montauhon, 
which commanded the frontiers of Leanguedoc, and 
Cognac, which opened the passage into Angoumois, 
were given as hostages for two years; then to be 
dehvered up provided the articles of the treaty were 
observed by the King. 

While Alva, with his great abilities, stubborn will 
and heart of steel, was striving, with a military force, 
to carry into effect in the Netherlands, a part of the 
dominions of Spain, the agreement made by the 
Spanish King Philip II. , with Henry II. of France, 
and renewed with the Queen mother and Charles IX. 
by Alva himself; the Low Countries were deluged 
with blood. The King of France, the Queen mother, 
and the Guises, despairing of success by military force, 
began by treaty to cut off the Huguenots by guile 
and massacre. For two years the King and Queen 
mother professed themselves satisfied with the terms 
of the treaty. They were all the time employed in 
efforts to accomplish three things : 1st. To gain Vie 
confidence of the Huguenots by promises and words 
of compliment. They wer.e unbounded in their admi- 
ration of the qualities and skill of their leaders, par- 
ticularizing, with taste and judgment, the excellencies 
of each; and, mourning over the desolations of 
France, they encouraged every effort for the resto- 
ration of her strength and peace. 2d. To gather 
along the coast a fleet, under pretence of a descent 
upon some part of the dominions of Spain, to revenge 
upon King Thilip the wrongs of Ehzabeth, the sister 
of Charles, and wife of Philip, whose suftcrings and 
death wore shrouded in mystery, Avith charges of dis-: 


honour; and 3d, by spies, and deputations under 
various pretences, and careful observations, to dis- 
cover the designs that might be cherished and ripening 
into action at Rochelle, the residence of Prhice Henry 
of ]^avarre, his mother Jean D' Albert, and the Ad- 
miral Coligny. The King insinuated that he was 
afraid of the Guises : tliat he preferred the princes 
of the blood. He met Teligny, son-in-law of the 
Admiral, and three other commissioners of the Hu- 
guenots, at Blois ; and upon their accompanying him 
to Paris, loaded them with presents. Infringements 
of the treaty were severely punished ; and Marshal 
Montmorency was sent to Rouen to redress the out- 
rages that had been committed there upon the persons 
and property of the inhabitants. 

"While the wars and treaties, which have been 
detailed, were progressing, the Reformed French 
Church was constantly increasing in numbers. The 
National Synod, which represented the whole Church, 
met with regularity. The meeting for formation had 
been held at Paris in May 1559. In the second meet- 
ing, held at Poictiers, March 1560, it was determined 
that, in taking the vote, in national and provincial 
synods, on matters of faith, or doctrine, or practice, 
the votes given by elders shall not exceed in number 
those given by pastors. In other cases all the votes 
may be gathered, though the number of the elders 
present shall exceed the number of pastors. As soon 
as possible he that gathers a church, or association 
of believers, ** shall take the names of those who 
will submit to discipline, and are to be owned as sheep 
of that flock, and over these there shall be had a most 


diligent inspection." This Synod advised the churches 
in each province to send some person, at common 
expense, to remain at court, to attend to the aifairs 
of the churches of tliat province; and that these dep- 
uties seek some proper opportunity to present the 
Confession of the Keibrmcd French Chiu'cli to the 
King. Of this Synod, Le Baillem was President. 

The Third National Synod was held at Orleans, 
April 1562 ; and had for its President Anthony Chan- 
dieu, minister at Paris, and writer of the Confession. 
Permission was given to the Huguenot nobility to 
have a church organization in their houses, composed 
of their own families, their domestics and retainers, 
provided they can obtain pastors, and have proper 
persons for elders and deacons. *' Ministers shall not 
use any prayers at the burial of the dead." A 
Treatise on Christian Discipline and Policy, by John 
Morelly, was pronounced unworthy of circulation. 

In the Fourth National Synod, held at Lyons, 
August 1563, Peter Viret, pastor at the place, 
was President. **The churches were admonished to 
make a faithful collection of all notable and remark- 
able passages of divine I^rovidence which have hap- 
pened in their precincts," these to be sent to Geneva. 
Beza was invited to draw .up a protestation against 
the Council of Trent, with reasons, to be presented 
by the ministers of the court to his majesty. The 
Provincial Synods Avere arranged : 1st. The Isle of 
France; 2d. I^urgundy, Lyonnois, Forest, and Au- 
vergne; 3d. Dolphiny, Languedoc, and Provence; 
4th. Poitou and Santonge ; 5th. Gascony, Limou- 
sin and Agenon ; 6th. Britian, Turenne, Anjou, and 


Le Maine; 7th. I^ormaiidy; 8tli. Berry, Orleans, 
and Chartres. 

The Fifth National Synod was held at Paris, De- 
cember, 1565, and Nicholas De Galars, minister at 
Orleans, the President. Lords and gentlemen to be 
censured, according to the discipline of the Church, 
for entertaining scandalous persons in their house, or 
suffering priests to sing mass. Tlie churches warned 
a])out a book, Unio Quatnor EvanrjUesiarwtn, written 
by Charles Du Maulin, on account of the errors in it 
about Limbus, free will, the sin against the Holy 
Ghost, the Lord's supper, and the calling of ministers. 

The Sixth National Synod was held at Vertueil, in 
Augremois, September 1567, De L' Estre, President. 
Determined that a deaf and dumb man may be ad- 
mitted to the Lord's supper, if his life correspond 
with the profession he makes by signs. Letters from 
Geneva, and particularly from Calvin, in aoswer to 
questions of former Synod, put on record. 

The Seventh National Synod was held at Rodielle, 
April 1571 ; and Theodore Beza, Minister of Geneva, 
was President. Kesolved: *' Forasmuch as the kind 
reception and entertainment of Christian doctrine is the 
true foundation of Church disciphne, we have decreed 
to open the Synod by reading the Confession of Faith 
received in the churches in France." There were 
present, as attendants upon the Synod, Jean Queen 
of Navarre, her son Henry Prince of Navarre, Henry 
De Bourbon Prince of Conde, Louis Count of 
Nassau, and Sir Caspar Count Coligny, Admiral of 
France. *'The Synod decreed that without any 
additions, there should be three copies of the Confes- 


sion, fairly written out on parchment, whereof one 
should be kept in this city of Rochelle, another in Bearne 
and the third at Geneva, and that all three should 
be subscribed by the ministers and ciders, depu- 
ties from the provinces of this kingdom, in the name 
of all the churches. Moreover, her majesty, the Queen 
of Navarre, and my Lords, the Prince of Navarre 
and Conde, and the other Lords here present in the 
Synod, are also requested to subscribe with their own 
hands." The Discipline of the Church having been 
under discussion in all the previous Synods, and by 
all the ministers and elders of the Church of France, 
w^as examined by this Synod; and, **was in all its 
heads and articles approved by the said deputies, who 
in their own names, and for the churches, did promise 
and protest, to keep and observe it for the edification 
of the Church, the conservation of order, and their 
mutual union, that God might be the better glorified 
by them." In answer to questions by the Queen of 
Navarre, she was advised to reject those traitors who 
forsook her in her necessities, and cruelly perse- 
cuted God's saints in the late troubles ; and not to 
sell her offices, or bestow them on recommendation 
of others, without her own personal knowledge of 
the quahfications and abilities of those who are to 
discharge them. 

The 8th National Synod was held at Nismes, in 
Languedoc, and John Do La IMace was President. 
The books of Cosain were put in the hands of Beza 
to road and make report. Messrs. Beza, De Roche, 
Chandieu, and De Beaulieu were chosen to reply to 
Ramus, Du Rosier and Bergeron, whose works con- 


trovert the Reformed discipline. Tliis session was 
continued only two days. 

The Confession of Faith was settled at the first 
meeting. The Book of Discipline was completed 
at the seventh meeting, after years of careful exami- 
nation ; and is not surpassed in clearness, and purity 
and adherence to Scripture hy the discipline of any 
church of Christ. By the decision made on questions 
that came np to Synod respecting promises of mar- 
riage, marriage vows, divorce, prolonged absence, and 
other matters belonging to domestic life, a high stand- 
ard of domestic purity, on Scripture principles, was 
set up in France, in the presence of a lascivious 
court. The Huguenots understood well that pure re- 
ligion and pure famihes went together; that pure 
wives and chaste daughters made chaste husbands and 
pure sons, and that it was better that some ill-mated 
ones should sufler from incongenial tempers than mar- 
riage promises and marriage vows be sundered, or 
lightly esteemed : that the only reason for divorce is 
the one given by Christ. 

Beza says in a letter, that at this tune the Reformed 
French Church could count above two thousand one 
hundred and fifty churches, and in some of these were 
above ten thousand members ; and that in very many 
there were two ministers, and in some five. The 
Church of Orleans had in 1561 seven thousand mem- 
bers, and had for pastors, Anthony Chanoiret, Lord 
of Merangeau, Robert Maion, Lord Des Fontaines, 
Hugh Sureau, Nicholas Filler, Lord of Vails, and 
Daniel Tassane. At the time of the Colloquy of 
Poissy, in 1561, there were in the province of Nor- 


mancly three liunclred and five pastors of churches, 
and ill Provence, sixty. The King of France, Charles 
IX. , addressed a letter to the Pope in 1565, the year the 
IN'ational Synod met in Paris the second time, in which 
he says: ** A fourth part of the Idngdoni is separated 
from the church, which fourth part consists of gen- 
tlemen, men of letters, chief burgesses in cities, and 
such of the common people as have seen most of the 
world, and are practised in arms. So that the said 
separated persons have no lack of force, liaving 
among then an infinite number of gentlemen, and 
many old soldiers of long experience in war. Neither 
do they lack good counsel, having among them three 
parts of the men of letters. Neither do they lack 
money, having among them a great part of the good 
wealthy families, both of the nobility and the tier de 
etaC^ To this Charles might have added that he and 
his mother had good evidence that the Huguenots 
were brave in war, and led by able commanders, were 
firm in their purpose, and, as a body, true to their 

The increasing numbers and influence of the Hu- 
guenots, and the daily development of the physical 
powers and mental abilities of the young prince of 
Navarre, the Bourbon heir to the crown, alarmed and 
distressed tlie Queen Mother. With an increased 
desire for the destruction of the Reformed, and no 
less aversion to the Bour])ons, she sought an alliance 
with Prince Henry, that the crown in departing from 
the Valois, should still be allied to herself. He might 
be persuaded to become a Komanist, and the Hugue- 
pots might be destroyed, and the Guises, whom she did 


not love, might be foiled in their efforts for royalty; 
In 1571, she sent Marshall Cope as commissioner of 
compUment and conference to the court of the Queen 
of JSTavarre. He bore kind messages from the Queen 
Mother; he expatiated on the distress felt by her for the 
sad dishonor ot her daughter Ehzabeth in the house 
of her husband, Philip of Spain ; he spoke much of 
the prospects and glory of France. Finally, he pro- 
posed to the Queen marriage between her son, prince 
Henry, and Margaret, the youngest sister of King 
Charles ; they had been playmates in childhood and 
were attached ; their union would unite France, and end 
the claims of the Guises to the crown ; and finally, 
this aUiance would assist the Prince in his darling pro- 
ject of regaining the inheritance of his ancestors from 
the king of Spain. The Queen of I^avarre received 
the proposition coldly. From time to time it was re- 
newed. The King of France urged the marriage, 
promised four hundred thousand crowns as the dowry of 
his sister. A match was proposed between the young 
prince of Conde and the third heiress of Cleves ; and 
one was proposed for the Admiral Coligny and the 
Countess of Egremont, the King promising the Admi- 
ral a dowry of a hundred thousand crowns, to which 
w^ere added the benefices which had been enjoyed by 
the Cardinal De Bourbon. At the same time, the 
Queen was confidentially informed that the King had 
determined to make the Admiral the commander of 
the army for the recovery of Flanders and Artois, 
with the title of Viceroy of the Low Countries, with 
liberty to choose the general ofiicers of the army. 
The Queen of N"avarre was not favourable to this 


scheme, either as a whole or in part ; it might affect 
the interests of her kingdom and of the Reformed 
rehgion ; she dreaded the influence of the Queen 
Mother and her daughter over her son ; the court of 
France had been the author of her greatest troubles ; 
the men of age and experience in her court were 
against it, and many thought an alliance with England, 
or one of the Protestant States of Germany greatly 
to be preferred. Coligny was not ready to accept the 
offers made him to wipe off the disgrace of his cap- 
tivity at St. Quentin, in a former war with Spain ; he 
feared the immeasurable duplicity of the French 
court. The Queen Mother persevered in her work of 
deception with consummate skill. The young Prince 
Henry was enamoured by prospects before him ; young 
Cond(5 was captivated with the anticipated honours of 
the splendid court of Charles. One after another the 
young men of the court became friends of the alliance. 
By the skilful management of the commissioner, and 
the unlimited offers of the Queen Mother, the scheme 
for the alliance of the two branches of the family of 
St. Louis prevailed. The marriage was agreed upon. 

The next subject of discussion was the place of the 
marriage. On this also, the Queen Mother finally 
prevailed, against all precedent and opposition. She 
determined it should be at Paris, and gained the con- 
sent of the young men of the court of Navarre by her 
fascinating pictures of the feasting and entertainments 
that should grace the nuptials. 

Then came the last, apparently trivial, yet, in the 
Queen Mother's plans, the most important circum- 
stance, the attendance of the Huguenot nobles on the 


ceremonies and festivities of the wedding. They were 
not inclined to go to Paris ; it had always been the 
centre of the greatest opposition to the Reformed, and 
equally so to the political party involved in the name Hu- 
guenot ; the duplicity of past years might be renewed ; 
they would rather spend the summer on their estates. 
The father of the famous Sully often said: ** If the 
nuptials are celebrated at Paris, the bridal favours 
will be crimson ;" and he prepared to shut himself in 
Rochelle, as a place more safe than even his country 


It was impossible for the Queen Mother, with 
her long practice at deception, or the Cardinal Lor- 
raine, with his great address and modesty in double- 
dealing, or the King, with the inheritance of his 
mother's acts of intrigue beyond his years, to prose- 
cute this scheme of gaining the confidence of the Hu- 
guenots by apparent truth and adherence to the treaty, 
and of preparing themselves and the country for a 
massacre, without sometimes dropping the mask. The 
King had been heard to say, ''Do I not play my part 
well?" the Queen Mother answered, ''Very well, my 
son ; but you must hold out to the end." And then 
there was the shutting of the gates of Bordeaux against 
the Prince of ISTavarre ; the attempt to seize the gates 
of Rochelle ; the rendezvouing of the fleet near that 
same city ; the negotiations of the court with Alva in 
1565, and the revelations made there ; and last, the 
removal from office of the great chancellor, Le Hos- 
pital, for refusing to seal an edict revoking some 
privilege of the Huguenots, and for proposing to act 
according to law with the aggressors at Rouen, and 


Dieppe, and other places, so that all the posts at court 
were held by enemies of the Huguenots. 

The Queen Mother plead that a great number of 
the nobles, members of the Romish and adherents of 
the court, would grace the nuptial ceremonies, and 
that it was proper that full representation of the Hu- 
guenots should accompany the young Prince. She 
prevailed. The young nobility were rejoicing and 
the old nobility desponding in their anticipations. 
There was the honour of the young Prince with the 
deceitt'uhiess of the old Queen. 

The rec^eption of the (iueen of Navarre, her chil- 
dren, her servants, the gentlemen of her court, the 
suite of the young Prince and the accompanying- no- 
blemen, at Paris, was all that expectation had fancied 
at a splendid court. The excess of prodigality in ex- 
pense alarmed some of the nobles; they could not 
forget the wonderful power of dissimulation of the 
Queen Mother. The King was profuse in his com- 
pliments with his noble visitors. The Admiral, to 
whom he had written a special invitation to come to 
Paris, he called his father, held frequent interviews 
with him, asked his advice, and listened to his politi- 
cal councils with the greatest interest ; appeared to be 
convinced of the soundness of the opinions, of one 
whom all France esteemed the best statesman of the 
day, because he was honest ; and gave alarm to his 
mother by tlie frecpiency of their visits, and the appa- 
rently growing attachment of the young King to the 
uj)right, fair dealing old man. The simplicity and- 
clearness of the Admiral's conversation was winning 
the heart of Charles. There was a novelty in his 


honesty that charmed one who had all his life seen 
and known nothing but deception and intrigue. She 
trembled lest her son should be persuaded to believe 
on the Admiral's word the very thing she had held up 
as a lure to the Huguenots, that the marriage in ex- 
pectation ought and must consolidate the kingdom ; 
that if he or his brothers had heirs for the crowii, this 
union of the Bourbon line by marriage would 
strengthen the house of Valois, by bringing to its sup- 
port the strong party of the Huguenots, who would 
be faithful to him and defend him against all enemies if 
he would permit them, by being acknowledged as his 
subjects on equal footing with the rest of the citizens 
of France. Charles could not see that the Admiral 
would gain anything for himself by this view of the 
condition of the country ; but he could see how he 
himself and all France, but his mother and the 
Guises, would be inexpressibly improved ; and that if 
he could make tlie Huguenots his friends, it would a 
thousand fold outweigh their massacre. The Admi- 
ral was the only person to whom Charles ever listened 
that gave him this advice and these views. 

The Pope sent his nephew, as legate, to oppose the 
marriage. Charles heard the legate's message and his 
reasons. He took him by the hand and said: *' I 
entirely agree with what you say, and am thankful to 
you and the Pope for your advice ; if I had any other 
means than this marriage of taking vengeance on 
my enemies, I would not permit it; but I have not." 
The Queen of JSTavarre came in as the legate went 
away. Charles said to her, in reference to the Cardi- 
nal : '* I have treated the monk who came to break 


oft' the matcli as lie deserved. I give my sister, not 
to the Prince of Kavarre, but to the Huguenots, to 
remove from their minds all doubts about the peace. 
My aunt, I honour you more than the Pope, and I 
love my sister more than I fear him. And, if Mr. 
Pope does not mend his manners, I will myself give 
away Margery in full conventicle." 

In the midst of the preparations for the wedding, 
the Queen of Navarre died after an illness of five days. 
It was known that she was sick, and had been greatly 
mortified at being compelled to kneel to the Host, on 
Corpus Christi da}^ ; but no fatal consequences were 
anticipated. The Huguenots indulged the suspicion 
of poison administered by some practised hand. 
There was no proof; but the time and place were un- 
fortunate. The court of France went into deep 
mourning at an event which seemed the triumph of 
the Queen Mother over the Queen of Kavarre. The 
preparations for the weddhig went on. 

The day appointed for the marriage, the 18th of 
August, arrived. The King had determmed that the 
ceremonies should be performed in a way not entirely 
conformable to the rites of either church ; not to the 
Reformed, because the vows were to be received by 
the Cardinal Bourbon ; not to the Romish, because 
the vows were to be received without the sacrament. 
The Cardinal remonstrated at the simi>licity of the 
ceremony. The King administered a rebuke, and the 
Cardinal sul)mitted. The ceremony was performed 
on a platform in front of the principal entry of the 
church of Paris. The bridegroom retired to a meet- 
ing to hear q, sermon ; the bride went into the church 


to hear Mass, according to the marriage articles. Both 
went to the entertainment in the great hall of the 
palace. The f eastings and rejoicings were continued 
day after -day. 

Reports alarmed the Huguenots. The Bishop of 
Valence, departing on his embassy to Poland, received 
communications from the King which he reported as 
revealing the intended destruction of the Huguenots 
while the marriage festivals progressed. Letters had 
been intercepted from Cardinal Pelline to Cardinal 
Lorraine at Rome, unfolding the whole mystery. Con- 
ferences had been held by the Queen Mother, Cardi- 
nal Alexandrin, nephew of Pope Pius V. , the Duke 
De Retz, the Chancellor Birague, and the Guises in 
their masks. The defeat of Gonhs and La Nave, 
who had been sent to the low countries under pretence 
of aid to the Prince of Orange, was declared to have 
been intentional and according to the designs, and with 
the connivance of the French court. The Huguenots 
expressed their alarms in various ways, but were unde- 
cided in their councils. 

The details of the movements for the destruction of 
the Reformed were not complete. Various schemes 
had been proposed to cause bloodshed in some colh- 
sion between parties of the Huguenots and the Paris- 
ians, that might end in bloodshed, and justify a gene- 
ral assault upon the whole body in the city. Arms 
had been distributed in Paris, and men, fitted for des- 
perate deeds, had been selected and arrayed for action. 
Hesitation hung over all. The time for the massacre 
had come, and no one was ready to begin. By the 
advice of the Queen Mother, the Duke of Anjou and 


the Duchess of Nemours, the Guises prepared to 
commence the work. Under pretence of avenging 
the murder of their father, they planned the assassi- 
nation of the Admiral, with the expectation that his 
followers would avenge his death, and the general 
slaughter would begin. 

Cohgny, by imitation of the King, attended a 
council at the Louvre, on Friday the 2 2d of August. 
After council, he went with the King to the Tennis 
court, and witnessed a game between the King and 
Guise, and two Huguenot gentlemen. On his way 
to his lodging, walking slowly up a narrow street, 
reading a paper, he received, from a musket dis- 
charged in the house of Villeman, preceptor of the 
Guises, two balls, one of which shattered his hand, 
and the other lodged in the right arm near the shoul- 
der. His attendants rushed to his assistance ; and a 
party hastened immediately to the house from whence 
the shot came. The assassin escaped through a back 
door, and eluded all search. A man was seen riding 
on a horse in full speed from the Kmg's stables. 

The news of the assault upon the Admiral reached 
the King. He uttered his usual passionate oaths, and 
declared the house of the Guises should be searched 
to the most secret recesses for the assassin. He vis- 
ited the Admiral, and by his sympathy and cordiality 
prevented all suspicion of his having any previous 
knowledge of the design of that atta(;k. Trobably 
Charles could say, he was utterly ignorant how the 
massacre was to begin ; ])ut he knew that it was to 
begin soon. The youthful King was trying to deceive 
the old man, that had almost persuaded him to be 


the King of all France. He made all Ms household 
visit the wounded man, as in sympathy. 

The Huguenot Lords asked leave of their young 
King and Coligny to retire to their estates. The 
King explained, giving the court version, that the 
deed was an act of private malice, fostered by a 
grudge, for the death of the late Duke of Guise, 
falsely laid to the charge of Coligny. The Admiral 
refused to leave the city, saying, *'By doing so, I 
must show either fear or distrust. My honour would 
be injured by one, my King by the other. I should 
be again obliged to have recourse to civil war ; and I 
would rather die than see the miseries I have seen, and 
sufler the distress I have already suflered." Some of 
the nobles withdrew to the country, and others to the 
suburbs, giving as a reason, *'that they found the air 
of the suburbs agree better with their constitutions ; 
and that of the fields was still more advantageous." 
Langoiran, blamed for absenting himself, said, '' The 
good cheer and fine promises of the court induce me 
to quit it, that I may not be caught in the net like 
some ill-advised persons." 

Anjou, the youngest brother of the King, alarmed 
the Queen mother still more, by reporting the fre- 
quent visits of the King to the wounded Admiral. 
She dreaded the effects of these prolonged conversa- 
tions at his bedside. No solicitations could prevent 
the visits. To be herself the judge, she proposed to 
accompany him on Saturday afternoon. The King 
took his seat by the bed of the wounded man, and 
beckoned her and the company to a distance. The 
conversation was carried on in a low voice, and pro- 


longed. The Queen mother was surrounded by Hu- 
guenot gentlemen, conversing in whispers, and often 
looking at her, and, as she thought, putting their 
hands on their swords. Alarmed, and feeling herself 
in their power, she frequently called to the King to 
spare the strength of the Admiral ; and hearing some 
words of the Admiral — *'too much power — ^Anjou — 
Queen mother" — she became agitated, and pressed 
the King to retire, lest he should weary the wounded 
man. On her way home in a carriage, her alarm 
was aroused by the manner of the King, who, to her 
enquiry, **what was the subject of your discourse 
with the Admiral?" replied, '* You are always inter- 
fering with my purposes." She then told him that 
he was ready to fall into the snare laid for him by the 
Admiral, and would soon be seized by the Huguenots 
who had surrounded them in the chamber. After a 
pause, she added: — ** Another King is chosen, and 
you will soon be murdered to make way for him." 

Charles was convulsed with passion ; and before he 
had time for reflection, she proposed a meeting of the 
Council. It was now late in the afternoon of Satur- 
day, August 23d. The Council met under great 
embarrassment. The Huguenots had not avenged 
the attempted assassination of the Admiral; their 
leaders were leaving Paris; the time for decisive 
action had come, and the court were yet undeter- 
mined how the blow should fall. Numerous plans 
were proposed; the discussions were heated. The 
King, in phrenzy, demanded the extinction of the 
whole race of the Huguenots, for the safety of his 
crown. It was at length resolved that a general mas- 


sacre should commence, at the sounduig of the bells, 
the next mornmg for matins of St. Bartholomew's 
day. The persons entrusted with the execution of 
this purpose, were the Duke of Guise, the Duke of 
Anjou brother of the Kmg, Aumele, Montpensier, 
and Marshal Tavannes. The Council hastily ad- 
journed. The Guises passed a sleepless night in pre- 
paration. The bells, as if in haste for the sacrifice of 
blood, began to sound before the usual hour. The 
two Guises rushed into the street with Aumele, the 
Due De Angouleme, and a crowd of men of rank, all 
prepared for murder. The King, the Queen Mother, 
and the Duke of Anjou, restless, sleepless, ^vith mis- 
givings of heart about the plea to be given for the ter- 
rible tragedy in contemplation, remembering that Alva 
always had some plausible reason for his most out- 
rageous acts; and Philip of Spain had in writing 
something for his own conscience, and something to 
justify him in sight of the world; but what could 
they say for the desired bloodshed ? They could not 
deceive themselves in that hour ; they had no reasons 
to give. The King's phrenzy was passed ; watching 
had sobered all ; and at break of day they were at the 
gate of the Louvre, to listen to the first movings in 
the streets. The report of a pistol reached then* ears. 
Charles shook with horror ; cold drops stood on his 
brow. They sent word to the Guises to proceed no 
further. The Duke replied to the messenger : **The 
orders have come too late," and rushed to the house of 
the Admiral. His revenge was before him ; the answer 
for it to the world he left to the King and his mother. 
The Admiral, with Le Hospital the Chancellor, the 


one for tlie Huguenots and the other for fhe court 
and Romish party, the two greatest statesmen in 
France, and probably the greatest statesmen of their 
age, plead for toleration in religion, and the union of 
all France under their legitimate King. For this 
plea Guise could never forgive tliem. Le Hospital 
was driven into private life ; and the Admiral must 
go to his grave ; because the legitimate King meant 
first the house of Valois, and then the house of 
Bourbon. The great abilities of Coligny as a war- 
rior and a statesman, and his great influence as an 
honest man, were a barrier to the Duke, who desired 
the crown for tlie house of Guise. He accused Co- 
ligny, on the word of an assassin, of the death of 
his father. He knew it could not be so ; and Coligny 
had scouted the charge. 

A retainer had aimed a bullet at Coligny's heart 
and struck his shoulder. The Admiral lay in his 
chamber, suffering from the wound. The Guises, 
with their crowd, hastened, w^hile the streets were yet 
solitary from the early hour, to beset his dwelling. 
Cassinans, the ofHcer of the guard set to protect the 
Admiral, was the man that, not getting the keys, 
broke tlie door for the murderers to enter. The Swiss 
Guards on the stairs were inmiediately born down and 
slain. Berme, a Lorrainer, and Kstmie, an Italian, 
began breaking tlie doors of the suite of rooms where 
the Admiral lay. Awakened by the noise, he called 
to one of his attendants and enquired the cause. The 
young man went to the passage door, and listening to 
the clash of ai'ms and the outcries of the soldiers and 
the Swiss Guards, and the exclamations in the streets 


demanding the blood of the inmates of the house, re- 
turned and cried out, *'My Lord! God calls us to 
Himself!" The Admiral threw on his loose gown, 
and bid his secretary read prayers, according to his 
daily custom and the form of the Huguenots. The 
thumping at the doors of liis chambers preventing 
worship, he turned calmly to his attendants, ''Save 
yourselves, my friends ; all is over with me. I have 
long been prepared for death," and then kneeled down 
to his private devotions. The doors were broken, and 
Berme, rushing in, cried out, ''Where is Cdigny?" 
"I am he," was the bold reply. The ruffian drove 
his sword through his heart. The soldiers that fol- 
lowed gave each a stal) to the lifeless corpse. Berme 
cried from a window, "The work is done !" " Very 
well," said Guise, "but Angouleme will not beheve 
it unless he sees him at his feet." A body thrown 
from the window sprinkled the party with its blood ; 
Guise, with his hankerchief, wiped the blood and filth 
from the face of the dead body, and pronounced it 
Coligny. His revenge not yet satisfied, the head was 
cut oft' and sent to the Queen Mother. The domestics 
were all slain. The slaughter now began in all parts 
of the city. Marshal Tavannes was heard to shout, 
"Kill, kill! bleeding is as wholesome in August as 
in May !" 

The Duke of Sully, in his Memoirs, says: *' In- 
tending on that day to wait upon the King, my master, 
I went to bed early on the preceeding evening. About 
three in the morning, I was awakened by the cries of 
people, and alarm bells which were everywhere rino*- 
ing. M. De St. Julian my tutor, and my valet, who 


had been roused by the noise, ran out of my apart- 
ments to learn the cause of it, but never returned, nor 
did I ever hear what became of them. Being thus 
left alone in my room, my landlord, who was a Pro- 
testant, urged me to accompany him to Mass, in order 
to save his life, and his house from being pillaged ; 
but I determined to endeavour to escape to the college 
De Bourgogne, and to effect this, I put on my 
scholar's gown, and taking a book under my arm, set 
out. In the streets I met three parties of Hfe guards ; 
the first of these, after handling me very roughly, 
seized my book, and most fortunately for me, seeing it 
was a Roman Catholic prayer-book, suffered me to 
proceed, and this served me as a passport with the 
two other parties. As I went along, I saw the houses 
broken open and plundered, and men, women and 
children butchered, while a constant cry was kept up, 
* ' Kill ! kill ! O you Huguenots ! O you Huguenots ! '* 
A company of soldiers broke into the Louvre, and 
awakening the young King of Navarre, and Cond^, 
ordered them to dress and go immediately to the 
King. They were forbidden to take their swords. 
As they passed along several of their gentlemen were 
murdered before their eyes. One, Gaston De Levis, 
seeing the danger, fled to the bed chamber of the 
Queen of Navarre, and took refuge under lier bed. 
8he preserved his life. The King, in a state of 
high excitement, received Henry and Condc'i, and with 
oaths, ordered them to renounce their religion, which 
he said was only a cloak of rebellion. They declined. 
He pressed them, and finally in a fury with glaring 
eyes exclaimed, ** The Mass or death, or thebastile!" 


They agi^eed to abjure. Dismissed from the presence 
of the King, they were kept closely guarded. The 
Queen Mother kept near Charles, stimulathig him 
by the recital of the proceedings, and alarms about 
the designs and doings of the Huguenots. He was 
seen at the windows with a musket in his hands, and 
was heard to cry, "Kill! kill! you Huguenots!" 
Some that fled to the palace for protection, were shot 
down, not improbably by his hand, as he was seen to 
discharge the musket from the window. 

The slaughter went on through the day; and orders 
were despatched to the provinces, to follow the exam- 
ple of Paris, and "kill! kill! the Huguenots:" The 
rabble seized the headless body of the Admiral, and 
dragged it with cords through the city. Wearied 
with the exercise, they threw it into the Seine, already 
red with the blood of the slain. After a time it was 
taken out and hung to the gibbit at Montfuceon. A 
fire was kindled under it. The King went with his 
court to see the body of him he had honoured, had 
called father, hanging by his feet from an iron chain 
over the fire. One of the courtiers turned away, 
saying, "It smells ill." The King repUed, in the 
language of Vitellius, "The body of a dead enemy 
always smells well." Marshal Montgomery, watching 
an opportunity, had the abused body taken down and 
concealed. Afterwards he sent it to Montaubon for 

About ten thousand persons were slain in Paris. 
And throughout the kingdom not less than seventy 
thousand. Of those slain in Paris, five hundred 
were gentlemen of standing — leaders of the Hugue- 


nots. Of these, besides the Admkal Eochefoucault, 
who having been at play with the King part of his 
sleepless niglit, and finding himself seized in bed, 
supposed the King and his companions had come to 
divert themselves at his expense. The terrible reality 
left liim no time for escape or thought. 

The Marquis of Resnel was murdered by his own 
kinsman, with whom he had a suit at law for the 
Marquisite. Francis Nonpar De Coumont was mur- 
dered as he lay in his bed, with his two sons, one of 
whom escaped by feigning himself dead. Teligny, 
son-in-law of the Admiral, received the ruffians with 
a countenance so benignant, they gazed upon it, and 
retired without striking him. Others came and des- 
patched him. The Count Montgomery was pursued 
by the Duke of Guise as far as Montfort. Beauvois, 
preceptor of the King of Navarre, and Du Brion, 
preceptor of Conde, were both slain. Peter Merlin, 
pastor of the church in the family of the Admiral, 
escaped by leaping from the window of his lodging, 
and secreting himself in a hay-loft. There he was 
sustained three days by one egg each day, laid by a 
hen that came regularly to her nest. Quellenac, 
Baron of Pont in Bretagnc, was slain ; and his dead 
body was gazed at by the ladies of the court, as it 
lay divested of its clothing. The King spared the 
three brothers of Marshal Montmorency, lest he 
should avenge their death. 

One man was heard to boast he had killed a 
hundred with his own hand. Not unfrequently the 
murderers sung, in the midst of their bloody work, 
the Psalms of the Huguenots to their well known 


tunes of worship. When those who had abjured 
their creed were seen they were compelled to show 
their sincerity by engaging with activity in the slaugh- 
ter of their former brethren. In a few days six thou- 
sand were slain in Rouen without mercy. 

In other places, Lauccrre, Prevos, liochelle, Mon- 
taubon, and Nismes, the Reformed defended them- 
selves. Some Governors, to whom the orders of 
parliament came eight days after the massacre in 
Paris, directing them **to pursue the rest of the 
guilty ; and to publish the orders," declined the work. 
The Governor of Daupheny said, ^'Tliis cannot be 
his Majesty's order." Du Chasing of Burgundy 
declined the execution of the orders ; and only one 
Huguenot was slain at Dijon. The Governor of 
Auvergne refused to act unless the King himself were 
present. The Governor of Lyons shut the Hugue- 
nots in prison to keep them; but the doors were 
broken and many slain. The Governor of Baronne, 
to whom the King wrote, with his own hand, replied, 
**Sire, I have committed your Majesty's orders to 
your faithful inhabitants, and to the troops in the 
garrison. I have found them good citizens and brave 
soldiers, but not one executioner." 

When the King's passion had subsided, he suflered 
from remorse. Sully records : *'From the evening of 
the 24th of August he was observed to groan involun- 
tarily at the recital of the thousands of acts of cruelty 
made boastingly in his presence. Of all those who 
were about the King, none possessed so great a share 
of his confidence as Ambrose Pare, his surgeon. 


This man, tliough a Huguenot, lived with him in so 
great a degree of famiharity, that on the day of the 
massacre, Charles telling him the day was now come 
when he must turn Catholic, he replied, without heing 
alarmed, * By the light of God, sire, I cannot believe 
that you have forgot your i»romise never to command 
me to do four things — to enter my mother's womb, 
to be present hi the day of battle, to quit your service, 
or go to mass.' The Ivhig soon after took him aside, 
and disclosed to him freely the troubles of Ids soul. 
'Ambrose,' said he, ' I know not what has happened 
to me these two or three days past ; but I feel my 
mind and body as much at enmity with each other as 
if I were seized with a fever. Sleeping or waking, 
tlie murdered Huguenots seem ever present to my 
eyes, with ghostly faces, and weltering m blood. 
I wish the innocent and helpless had been spared.' 
The order, which the followhig day was pubhshed, 
forbidding tlie massacre, was m consequence of this 

The King, at first, alfected in public to disavow the 
massacre, pretending it was the work of the Guises, 
on account of tlieir hatred of the Admiral. Eight 
days after the event, he ordered a register to be made 
by the parliament, that nothing was done on the 24th 
of August otherwise than by his commands. He 
imputed some crime to each of the leading Huguenots 
for which he was punished. The parliament ordered an 
ammal procession to be made on the 24fli of August 
in commemoration of the deliverance of the kingdom. 
A medal was struck, on one side of which were the 


royal arms, witli the words, '' Piety aroused Justice ;'* 
and on the other was represented the King with a 
sword and the scales of justice in his hands and a 
group of heads under his feet, with the words, 
<* Courage in Tonishing Eebels." 



From the Massacre, Angust 24th, 1572, to the Edict of 

Nantes, 1598. 

THE report of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's 
day thrilled the hearts of Protestants and Roman- 
ists throughout Europe. In Spain, it was hailed with 
puhlic rejoicings ; and Philip was stimulated in his 
work of exterminating the Protestants in his domin- 
ions hy this earnest etibrt in France to meet the con- 
ditions of the peace of Chateau Camhresis. At 
Rome, high mass was performed, and a medal was 
struck, having on one side the protile of the Pope 
with the words, *'The first year of Gregory XVIIL, 
head of" the Church," and on the other side a 
winged woman with a crucifix in one hand and a 
drawn sword in the other, pursuing a crowd of flying 
and falling men, women and children, around which 
were the words, ** The destruction of the Huguenots, 
1572." In Lyons, the Pope's Legate meeting the 
murderers fresh from their deeds of blood at the pri- 
sons, the intended shelter of the Huguenots, hut the 
scene of their defenceless death, made over them the 
sign of the cross. In Protestant countries the most 
profound sorrow reigned. The French Ambassador at 
the court of England, Fenelon, describes his first audi- 
ence after that transaction. ** A gloomy sorrow sat on 


every tace ; silence as in the dead of nigM reigned 
through all the chambers of the royal palace ; the 
ladies and courtiers clad in deep mourning were 
ranged on each side ; and as I passed by them in 
my approach to the Queen, not one bestowed on xryt 
a favourable look, or made the least return to my sal- 
utations." In Scotland, John Knox, preaching in a 
room in the Tolbooth, fitted up for him in his old age 
to contain about a hundred people, cried out, * * Sen- 
tence is pronounced in Scotland against that murderer 
the King of France, and God's vengeance shall never 
depart from his house ; but his name shall remain an 
execration to posterity ; and none that shall come of 
his loins shall enjoy that kingdom in peace and quiet- 
ness, unless repentance prevent God's judgment." 

In France there was rejoicing that the Huguenots 
as a political party, favouring the Bourbon line, and 
as the Reformed Church of France, asking for tolera- 
ation at least, if not universal Reformation, had been, 
according to the advice of Alva, exterminated at a 
blow. The Huguenots themselves, bleeding under 
the daggers of their enemies, and stunned by the sud- 
denness of the blow, to them sudden, but to the 
court of long preparation, considered themselves as 
all dead men. They could hear of blood and murder 
on all sides, but of deliverance from no quarter. 

The forces sent by the court to take military posses- 
sion of the strongholds, towns and villages of the 
Huguenots and complete the work of subjugation, 
marched forth in expectation of a bloodless capture and 
unnumbered spoils. The capture and the taking of 
spoils went on, and the delighted court revelled hi ex- 


pectations of complete success. Suddenly reports came 
from the Southern provinces strange to their ears, 
as the resurrection of the dead to the Athenians. 
The murdered Huguenots seemed risen again to 
avenge their own blood, shed as the crowning offer- 
ing at the marriage feast of their young King. One 
of the bands advancing towards Montaubon, in the 
careless ease of security, found themselves attacked 
by a handful of Huguenots under Renier and De 
Gourdon, who, with their few followers, were seeking 
safety in flight, and had met this ])and in a disadvan- 
tageous pass, and were entirely routed, leaving many 
dead and prisoners. The news spread like electricity. 
The example of resistance was followed ; and the 
Queen Mother and her court soon found that the work 
of destroying the Huguenots was all to be done over. 
It is not necessary to recount the military events of 
a series of years, the Huguenots struggling for life, 
and the court for the mastery. They abound in acts 
of gallantry. They exhibit the change in warfare by 
the use of gunpowder. ; bravery in conflict changed 
its form, and tactics their nature. Henry of Navarre, 
heir apparent, escaped from the vigilance that kept 
him at court while on a hunting party, and joined his 
friends in arms. TIenouncing the vows he had 
made before King Charles the moi-ning of the mas- 
sacre, he became the ac^knowledgcd head of the Hu- 
guenots, in the place of tlie noble and good Coligiiy. 
He found in the Duke of Parma, acting for riiilip of 
Spain, an adversary worthy of him, and deserving 
both a better master and a better cause. Henry 
learned from him practically and often by bitter ex- 


perieiice, the tactics with which the Duke had aston- 
ished Europe. The cause of the Huguenots was 
continually growing stronger and stronger, and Henry 
their leader coming nearer to the crown of France. 
The schemes of the Queen Mother, Catherine De 
Medici, grew less and less attractive, as tlieir malig- 
nity became more and more apparent. Her influence 
over the King, always for evil, became less and less, 
and her youngest son, Duke De Alencon, took advan- 
tage of her perplexities to free himself from her in- 
fluence and commands. 

In May, 1574, on Pentecost day, Charles IX., King 
of France, expired at the court of Yincennes. He 
saw few happy hours after the mournful 24th of 
August, 1572. Coligny and the deceived and nmr- 
dered Huguenots would never leave his dreams. Their 
visions hauted him by day, and were terrible to him 
by night. Often was he heard to cry out with tears, 
as he waked in agony, *'The murdered people will 
not leave me !" No medicine could soothe his sleep ; 
no arts remove his agony. Of a frail and suffering 
body, he caught cold accompaying to the borders of 
France his brother, the Duke of Anjou, on his way to 
take the crown of Poland, anxious to have a certainty 
that the Duke had left France. The cold became an 
aggravated disease. He was tormented with pains ir- 
remediable, was covered with a bloody sweat, and 
often sobbed and wept over the murdered Huguenots. 
A few days before his death he sent for his brotl^r- 
in-law, Henry of Navarre. The Queen Mother en- 
deavoured to frighten Henry from the interview. On 
his way to the dying King she ordered him to be led 


tlirough files of armed men, drawn up in the vaults 
of the palace. He paused at the sight. Encouraged 
by the protestations of the captain that no harm should 
be done him, he passed on tremblingly. In the inter- 
view, Charles expressed confidence in the honour of 
Henry, and aftectionately committed to his care his 
wife, soon to be a widow, and his sister. A little be- 
fore he expired he said: **I am glad I leave no chil- 
dren ; they would be too young to govern the state in 
such difiicult times." 

Seven months after the death of Charles IX., on 
the 23d of December, a day* 'remarkable by the most 
terrible storms ever known," died Charles, Cardinal 
of Lorrain and Archbishop of Rheims, at Avignon, 
in the Pope's territories, not without suspicion of poi- 
son. The two Charleses, the bitter enemies of the 
Huguenots, followed the murdered CoUgny to the bar 
of their Judge, with no reward on earth for their cru- 
elty, and nothing to expect but from the infinite 
mercy of God. 

The Duke of Anjou, third son of Henry H., hear- 
ing of his brother's death, left Poland secretly, has- 
tened to I^aris, and took the crown as Henry HI. 
His personal feelings were in tavour of the young king 
of Navarre ; and he preferred the Bourbon line to the 
Guises, should the house of Valois become extinct for 
want of heirs. The Queen Mother and her relatives, 
with the King of Spain and the Pope, were opposed 
t(?1)oth. Under their sanction, a league was formed in 
1576, of which the Guise family took the lead, to 
preserve the Romish succession to the crown, and the 
Jiomish religion in the state. Their plans were more 


openly avowed after the death of the youngest and 
fourth son of Henry II., and the next heir after the 
reigning King. The wars fomented hy this league 
were fierce and bloody. Sometimes Henry III., in 
alarm about his crown, and intimidated by his moth- 
er's representations, went with the league against the 
Huguenots; and sometimes in greater alarm about 
the power and the tyrannical bearing of the Guises, he 
declared against the league. Sometimes there were 
three parties in arms, and then* movements were 
called the wars of the three Henries. The chivalrous 
deeds of the wars of the league exlubit the boldness 
with which Henry of Navarre defended himself 
against all attacks, and the faithfulness of his adherents. 

For a time some of the leaders of the Huguenots 
were discouraged, and ready to yield the contest 
about the succesion of the young King of Navarre to 
the crown of France. A plan was proposed by Vis- 
count Turrene, afterwards Duke De Bouillon, in a 
conference held at St. Paul De Lomiate, that the Re- 
formed Church and Huguenot party conjoined should 
be formed into a republic, having the Elector Pala- 
tine in Germany for the head, with five or six lieu- 
tenants in the difierent provinces ; and thus interest 
the Protestant powers of Germany in the aftairs of 
France. The diificulties in the execution of this plan, 
arising from the distaste of the Huguenots to having 
a foreign centre, and the scattered position of the 
whole party over the kingdom of France, were too 
great to be overcome ; it was soon abandoned. 

A historian speaking of Guise, the leader of the 
League, and Henry of Navarre, says; ** Neither the 


Duke nor any of his family would believe themselves 
secure while the King of Navarre lived; and the 
King of Navarre on his side was persuaded that he 
should derive no advantac-e from his ri«:ht of succes- 
sion to the crown during the Duke's life. As for re- 
ligion, which they both made such a noise about, it is 
a good pretence to procure adherents ; but neither of 
them is much affected by it. The fear of being aban- 
doned by the Protestants is the sole cause that pre- 
vents the King of Navarre from embracing the reli- 
gion of his ancestors ; nor could the Duke recede from 
the Confession of Augsburg which his uncle, Charles 
Cardinal of Lorrain, had taught him, if he could fol- 
low it without prejudice to his interests." 

The Duke of Guise slackened not in liis efforts to 
secure the succession to the crown, on account of the 
King's joining the League against the Huguenots 
under the hope of making peace. The doctors of the 
University of Paris pronounced, ** that a weak prince 
might be removed from the government of his king- 
dom, as justly as a tutor or guardian, unfit for his 
office, might be deprived of his trust." Tlciuy was 
made angry by this inthnation of degradation. The 
sister of the Duke inlhxmed him still more by saying, 
as she showed him a pair of gold scissors at her side, 
'' The best use I can make of them is to clip the hair 
of a prince unworthy to sit on tlje throne of France, 
in order to qualify him for a cloister, that one more 
worthy to reign may mount it, aiul repair the losses 
which religion and the state have suffered through the 
weakness of his predecessor." Afraid to imprison or 
arrest the Duke, the Kin^ determined on his assassiua- 


tion. He dissembled, and persuaded the Duke to 
meet him in council at the palace. The Duke, infat- 
uated like Cohgny, who fell by his order, could not 
believe he was in danger from the King, though 
warned again and again that he was throwing him- 
self into toils w^oven expressly for him, and was throw- 
ing away his life by going to the council room. On 
the 23d of December, 1588, the King gave to each of 
nine men chosen from his guard a poniard, saying, 
*'It is an execution of justice I command you to make 
on the greatest criminal of my kingdom, whom all 
laws human and divine permit me to punish ; and not 
having the ordinary means of justice in my poWer, I 
authorize you by the right inherent in my regal au- 
thority to strike the blow." When the Duke ap- 
proached the council room, six poinards pierced his 
heart. lie groaned and expired. The King enter- 
ing his mother's apartment said : '* I am now^ a Khig, 
Madam ; and have no competition ! the Duke is 
dead!" This was done at Blois, where the King held 
a meeting of the States. The Cardinal Guise had 
encouraged his brother in his designs upon the crown, 
and had been heard to say: **I w-ill hold the King's 
head between my knees till the tonsure shall be per- 
formed, at the Monastery of the Capuchins." He 
was despatched by assassins. The bodies of both 
victims were consumed by quicklime, the bones burnt 
in a vault of the castle, and the ashes thrown into the 
air. The brothers of the Duke fled. The Cardinal 
Bourbon was held a 'prisoner. The League were 
made desperate; their power was broken, not de- 


The assassination was universally reprobated. The 
Huguenots cried out that it was like the Massacre of 
St. Bartholomew, and there would be retribution from 
heaven. The University pronounced the people free 
from their allegiance to the house of Valois. The 
King repUed that be had no other way of preserving 
the crown or his own head. 

On the 5tb of January, 1589, died Catherine De 
Medici, the widow of Henry II. , in her 70th year. By 
the influence of Pope Clement VII., she was married 
to the King of France in the year 1533. The mother 
of ten children, she saw three of her sons Kings of 
France, Francis II., Charles IX., and Henry HI. 
Of her daughters, one was Duchess of Savoy, one 
Queen of Spain, one * Queen of Navarre ; and one 
son a Duke of Brabant. From the death of her 
husband till her own death, a period of about thirty 
years, she was in fact Kegent of the kingdom. Part 
of the time the Dukes of Guise, father and son, 
forced her to share the regency with them ; and part 
of the time her two sons claimed to govern as King. 
At no time was her influence less than controlling — 
generally supreme. She hated the Guises for aspiring 
to be heirs of the crown, and regents by right. She 
hated the Bourbons for the same reasons, and for 
their nearness to the crown by descent. She hated 
the Huguenots for opposing the Pope, but more par- 
ticularly for supporting the Bourbons. Her enmities 
increased with her years ; an^ the approaching cer- 
tainty that the crown of France would not contirme in 
her family. Skilled in intrigue, she was unscru- 


pulous of means to accomplisli her wishes. To 
strengthen herself against the Guises, she was will- 
ing* to many a Huguenot ; and would have done it 
could she have gained the consent of the Admiral, 
on whom she had fixed her mind. She felt at liberty 
to deceive and betray all she wished to destroy. Her 
violent passions, and want of moral principles, forbid 
her embracing the vi-ews of a statesman. The ladies 
of the court assured the Duke of Sully that she was 
personally indiflerent to religion, using it as a state 
engine for her interest and her passions. With great 
powers of persuasion, and a quick penetration, she 
used her fascinations for mischief, and produced a 
condition of things in France she could not control, 
destruction to all her desires, and to her good 
name. On her death bed, whether from motives of 
policy, or conviction of truth, or to propitiate death 
and futurity, she recommended to her son, Henry 
in., the very thing for which she took from the 
Chancellor Le Hospital his office, and from Admiral 
Coligny his hfe for attempting — *'to cease from per- 
secuting his subjects, and to grant toleration in reli- 
gion ;" things which she had striven against all her 
Queenly life. Was she in earnest? then she sen- 
tenced her life principles. Was she dealing in dupli- 
city? then the ruling passion was strong in death. 
Perhaps she was but following the example of the 
Spanish and French Kings of the 16th century, 
perpetrating some act of injustice during their whole 
life, and requesting of their successor to make some 
indemnification to the injured. Few had ever loved 
her ; none lamented her death. 


All the great actors in the Bartholomew Massacre 
were now dead. All died unhappy. Neither they 
or their descendants received any advantage from an 
act that has covered them with infamy forever. 

In a few months, between the second and third of 
August, Henry III., King of France, died, smitten 
by the hand of an assassin, the monk James Clement. 
It was known that the King liad determined to crush 
the League, and had called upon Henry of Navarre 
to unite with him. With an army they advanced to- 
wards Paris, taking every town that had declared for 
the League. Henry of France had his headquarters 
at St. Cloud ; Henry of Navarre at Meudon. Clement 
asked to be introduced to the King, pretending to 
bear a letter of importance. La Guesle the solicitor, 
knowing the King's partiality for Monks, introduced 
him. The King was sitting in his chamber, partially 
disrobed. After reading part of the letter, he arose. 
The assassin struck him in the abdomen with a knife. 
The King hastily drew it out and wounded the monk 
in the foreliead. La Guesle struck him dead with his 
sword. The news was inmiediately communicated to 
the King of Navarre. The Duke of Sully accomi)a- 
nied him to St. Cloud, and says: '*0n entering the 
King's apartment, he found he had just received an 
injection, which came away again without pain or 
blood. The King of Navarre approached his bed 
amidst all the agitations and grief which the sincerest 
friendship could inspire. The King comforted him 
by saying, he thought his wound would have no fatal 
consequences, and that God would prolong his life 


that lie might be in a condition to give him some new 
proofs of his affection. The wounded monarch pro- 
nounced these words in such a manner as removed 
part of the King of iTavarre's apprehensions, who 
seeing Hkewise no appearance of any dangerous symp- 
toms, left him to his repose, and returned to his quar- 
ters at Meudon. My lodgings were at the bottom 
of this castle, in the house of a man named Saureat. 
After I had attended the King of ISTavarre to his 
apartment, I went home to sup, and had just set down 
at table, when I saw Ferret, his secretary, enter, who 
said to me : * Sir, the King of Navarre and perhaps 
the King of France desires you will come to him in- 
stantly.' Surprised at these words, I went with him 
immediately to the castle ; and as we went along, he 
told me that De Orthman had informed the King of 
Navarre by express, that if he wished to see the King 
of France alive he had not a moment to lose. When 
we entered St. Cloud they told us the King was better, 
and obliged us to take off our swords. I followed 
the King of Navarre, who advanced towards the cas- 
tle, when suddenly we heard a man exclaim: *Ah, 
my God, we are lost !' The King of Navarre making 
this man approach who continued crying, *Alas! the 
King is dead !' asked him several questions, which 
he answered by such a circumstantial account of the 
King's death, that we could no longer doubt the truth 
of it. Henry was still more convuiced when, after 
advancing a little further he saw the Scotch guard, 
who threw themselves at his feet, saying, * Ah, sire, 
you are now our King and Master.' And some mo- 
ments after, Messrs. De Biron, De Bellegrade, De 


C. De Chateauvreux, De Dampiere and several others 
did the same." 

The King of Navarre, with his accnstomed decis- 
ion, received the homage of the guards and the gen- 
tlemen ; and took the necessary measures to be pro- 
claimed Henry IV., King of France. The army was 
taken by surprise. The Huguenots at once acknow- 
ledged him as their rightful King. A part of the army of 
the dead King did the same ; a part proclaimed them- 
selves ready to do the same on condition he embraced 
the Komish faith ; another part, without declaring for 
whom they were prepared to take a decisive stand, 
declined receiving him. Marshall Biron was invited 
to speak to the officers of the French guards to come 
and pay their homage in the afternoon, and to per- 
suade the nobility to do the same. 

The body of the assissin was burned, and his ashes 
thrown into tlie Seine. He was of the order of St. 
Dominic. On his coming to St. Cloud, some persons 
went by night into his chamber to observe him. They 
found him in a profound sleep, his breviary before 
him, open at the article of Judith. He fasted, con- 
fessed himself, and received the sacrament before he 
set out to assassinate the King. The Prior of the Dom- 
hicians was examined, nothing could be extorted from 
him but, *<we have done what we could but not 
what we would." This led to the behef that the 
murder of the King of Navarre was to have l)eon 
added to the assassination of the King of France. The 
Prior was condemned and torn in pieces by four 
horses. * * Clement was praised at Eome for his deed ; 
at l^aris, liis picture was placed on the altars with the 


eucbarist. Cardinal De lietz relates, tliat on the an- 
niversary of the barricades, in the minority of Louis 
XVI. , he saw a gorget upon which this monk was 
engi'aved, with the words underneath, *St. James 
Clement.* To make the death of the King sure, 
the knife was poisoned. The wound was not deep, 
and had not injured the intestines." 

The Orleans branch of the house of Valois, claim- 
ing from Louis IX., St. Louis of the Crusades, the 
crown of France, was now ended, and with it ended 
the house of Valois. The Bourbon line now, in the 
person of Henry of Navarre, took the crown. The 
Orleans hue began with Francis I., in 1515, and 
ended with his grandson, Henry III., in 1589. In 
every individual that wore the crown, the Ketbrmed 
Church found an enemy that failed not to shed its 
blood, and the Huguenot party an opposer that la- 
boured for their destruction. Yet under the severity 
of all these, the Huguenots, as a church and as a 
political power, were always increasing. The massa- 
cre of August 1572, seemed to give them accelerated 
growth. Their principles were tried, their temper was 
purified, and their patience had its perfect work. They 
asked no help from the State, as a Church, only the 
permission to live and increase from their own strength 
and resources under the blessing of God. 

Henry IV. acted with courage and promptness. 
He dispatched messengers to England, Flanders, 
Switzerland and Venice: and received kind assur- 
ances in return, but no immediate help. He met the 
Leaguers in the field with gallantry, and assailed 
their towns with success. They could not agree 


upon a person to set up in opposition to Henry of 
Navarre ; and their hopes and expectations on the 
final settlement of the crown were boundless and 
wholly irreconcilable. Philip of Spain had required 
his kinsman, the Duke of Parma, his greatest gene- 
ral and statesman, to assist the Leaguers in putting 
down the Huguenots, and any claimant of the crown 
not of the Romish faith. Parma and Henry had 
tried their strength, and found each an adversary 
worthy of the other. Parma, extricating himself in 
a masterly manner from an unfavourable position, by 
the passage of tlie Seine in the night, went to the 
Netherlands for reinforcements. On his return he 
was arrested by disease at Anos, and passed speedily 
from the service of his ungrateful kinsman to his 
bier on the 1st of December, 1592, in his forty-eighth 
year. Negotiations were renewed. The opposition 
to Henry was divided. Many of the leaders proposed 
to receive him as their King, on condition of his 
renouncing the Huguenot faith for the Romish. 
Others were ready to receive him on condition of 
being remembered in his disposition of places of 
honour and profit. The great mass of the Hugue- 
nots were, with their ministers, entirely opposed to 
any change in the King's faith in favour of Rome. 
Some of their military leaders, like the young court- 
iers of Navarre at the fatal wedding, desired the fes- 
tivities of Paris, which city would, it was believed, 
declare for Henry if he changed his faith. 

Up to the year 1592, the Duke of Sully says: <*! 
would have had this Prince, doing justice to those 
who had served him with zeal and affection, to have 


refused all other assistance, and cast himself entirely 
into their arms. I was persuaded that after such an 
open declaration of his dependence upon the Protest- 
ants, England, Holland, and all the Protestant powers 
of Europe would exert themselves so eflectually in 
his favour, that they would, without any assistance 
from the Catholics, seat him upon the throne. " The 
powers of Europe were slow in giving any effective 
assistance to Henry. He went on with his negotia- 
tions, in readiness to repel all violence, and pondering 
the subject of abjuration. He was evidently inclined 
to listen to those who urged upon him the advan- 
tages of changmg his church connexion; but he 
could not find a reason satisfactory to himself and 
the Pluguenots. 

Early in 1593, Sully says: **I resolved to prevail 
upon the King to embrace the Roman Catholic reli- 
gion, and persuade him to do it by degrees. I was 
sensible that by this means I should give disgust to two 
classes of persons, the Protestant neighbours of France 
and the French Calvinists. But as to the first, France, 
when united with itself, had no occasion for any foreign 
assistance ; and it was easy to give the second such 
advantages as would make them behold this change 
without murmuring. With regard to both, I de- 
pended upon the gratitude which a prince like Henry 
could not fail of cherishing for persons to whom he 
owed such powerful obligations. "When he arrived 
at Monte, he sent for me to come to him with the 
usual precautious. Jacquinot introduced me into his 
chambers before day, and we immediately entered 
upon our subject, Henry, who had made a thousand 


reflections on the perplexing situation he was in, began 
by drawing a very natural representation of it ; irre- 
concilial)le opposition in the princes and nobility of 
the kingdom; hatred among themselves and rage 
against him; mutiny and disobedience in all 
minds; inactivity in the foreign allies; intrigues 
and enormity on the part of the enemies ; treachery 
within ; rocks and precipices on all sides. The end 
of this pathetic discourse was to demand what remedy 
I was able to apply to these evils. I replied that 
without taking upon me to give his Majesty advice, I 
saw only three things for him to do, and he might de- 
termine upon w^iich he pleased. The first was, to 
satisly every one's demands at his own expense, or 
rather at the expense of tlie State. The second was, 
not to make concessions to any, but to endeavour to 
wrestle vigorously with them all. The third, which 
held a medium between these two, was to take away 
all ol)stacles that opposed his advancement to the 
crown, by turning lioman Catholic. I pointed out to 
him that by following the lirst, he would reduce him- 
self to nothing. As to the second, I represented to 
him that as soon as he should give room to believe, 
that he depended only on the claim his birth gave 
him to the crown, the desertion of all the Catholics, 
and the unbridled fury of a whole nation of enemies, 
both within and without the kingdom, w^ould draw 
upon him a terrible storm. On the third I was 
silent." After listening at length to the King giving 
his views of the probable course of procedure of the 
leading men, both of the Romanists and the Reformed, 
in his case, which ever course he should take, Sully 


proceeds: **I explained all my thoughts on this sub- 
ject to the King, and added that the foundation of all 
religions which believe in Jesus Clirist being essen- 
tially the same ; that is faith in the same mysteries, 
and the same notions of the divinity, it seemed to me 
that one who from a Catholic became a Protestant, 
or from a Protestant became a Catholic, did not 
change his religion, but followed for the interest of 
religion itself, what policy suggested as the most pro- 
per means to compose all differences ; but that although 
my opinion should be erroneous, yet this must be al- 
lowed to an incontestible truth, that the embracing the 
Cathohc religion did not include the necessity of per- 
secuting all others. I told the King that he might 
remedy this dangerous evil by uniting those who pro- 
fessed these different religions in the bonds of Chris- 
tian charity and love ; or, if this was impossible, by 
prescribing to them rules so just as might make both 
parties contented with what was granted to them." 

The King was more than gratified with the advice 
of his counsellor ; it gave a specious reason for doing 
what he wished ; a reason that brought no conviction 
to the thoughtful, but would satisfy the unscrupulous 
in rehgion. Other reasons pressed him. The States 
General called at the instigation of Parma, now dead, 
met in Paris, June, 1593, about a month after the 
man who alone expected to, or could control its pro- 
ceeding, had passed from all earthly concerns. Its 
discussions, protracted and violent, revealed the fact 
that there were many aspirants to the crown, and the 
hopes of all were founded on the favour of the Rom- 
ish clergy and the Spanish court. The Duke of Mai- 


enne, the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal De Bour^ 
bon all put in their claims. Maienne was the most 
wealthy, Guise the most popular in France, and the 
Cardinal was the favourite of Spain. A proposition 
came from the Spanish court, that the Cardinal should 
be united in marriage with the second daughter of the 
King of Spain. The deliberations grew more violent 
and confused. It was admitted that the King of Ka- 
varre united in his person the claims of three royal 
lines from. St Louis ; the objection to him was that he 
was a Huguenot. Hoping by abjuration to remove 
objections and settle the crown peaceably on his head, 
he determined to abjure. It was with him a matter 
of State policy. ** He therefore," says Sully, ** at last 
declared publicly that on the 20th of July he would 
perform his abjuration, and named the church of. St. 
Denis for this ceremony." 

On the appointed Sabbath, the 20th of July, 1593, 
** the King met the Archbishop of Bourges, with the 
Cardinal De Bourbon and nine Bishops, at the Chapel 
of St. Denis. On his entering, the Archbishop said, 
* Who are you?' The King replied, * I am the King.' 
' What is your request ?' * To be received into the 
pale of the CathoHc, Apostolic and Roman Church.' 
'Do you desire it?' 'Yes, I do.' The King then 
kneeling, said : ' I protest and swear in the presence 
of Almighty God to live and die in the Catholic, 
Apostolic and Roman religion; and to protect and 
defend it against all her enemies, at the hazard of my 
blood and life ; renouncing all heresies contrary to this 
Catholic, Apostolic and Roman church.' He then 
put this confession in writing into the hands of the 


Archbishop, who presented his ring to kiss, and gave 
him absolution in a loud voice ; during which the te 
deum was sung." 

At the report of the King's abjuration, the Eomish 
Church in France and throughout the world rejoiced, 
the Huguenots mourned, and the Protestants of 
Europe were sad. The leaders of the Huguenots 
opposed the measure; and to the King's enquiry, 
'' What shall I do?" could only answer with Bouillon, 
**Gird on our swords and make a final trial." The 
Leaguers were confounded, not believing that Henry 
would do what they had declared indispensable to their 
submission to his authority. By this stroke of policy, 
Henry gahied but partially and slowly the ol)jects in 
expectation. The very ones that clamoured for the 
act, were slow to believe that he was sincere. The 
King of Spain, whose plans were disturbed by this 
act of Henry, ** ordered," as we are informed by 
Sully, *' Taxis and Stuniga to ofler the King forces 
sufficient to reduce all the chiefs of the League and 
the Protestant party, without annexing any other con- 
dition to this offer, than a strict alliance between the 
two crowns, and an agreement that the King should 
give no assistance to the rebels of the Low countries. 
Philip H. judged of Henry by himself, and considered 
his conversion only as the principal of a new political 
system which made it necessary for him to brake 
through his former engagements." This offer, and 
the alliances the King rejected ; also the offer of mar- 
riage with the second daughter of Philip, made soon 

On the 12th of December, following the abjura- 


tion, the King held an assembly of the Reformed at 
Monte, in which he publicly declared that his chang- 
ing his religion should make no alteration in the af- 
fairs of the Protestants. Many things asked of him 
he refused, but promised them toleration. 

Attempts were made to assassinate the King. Bar- 
riere, a boatman of Orleans, set out to accompHsh his 
death. Hearing of the King's abjuration, he gave 
over the project. **Varade, the rector of the Jesuit 
College at Paris, and M. Aubray, curate of St. Andrei 
des Aris, encouraged him to execute his design, by 
persuading him he should perform a meritorious 
action. Varade even heard his confession, gave him 
absolution, and commanded one of his order to admin- 
ister to him the sacrament. Barriere disclosed his 
accomplices, when he was broke upon the wheel." A 
gentleman of Lyons, by name Brancaleon, came to 
the King at Meulan and informed him that Father 
Seraphim Banchi had revealed to him a plot to take 
his life ; the figure, countenance and the dress of the 
assassin were described with great exactness. Two 
days after, the wretch w^as seized, tried, condemned 
and executed. **My friend," said the King to Sully, 
** is it not strange to see persons professing religion 
so malignant as to be daily making attempts upon my 
life ? I was always told that by embracing the R(iman 
Catholic religion, all these evil intentions would be 
destroyed, and that M. De Maienne and his partisans 
would acknowledge me as soon as I should take the 
step ; but I beghi to see that there is more of ambi- 
tion and avarice in their hearts than religion and 


<* The King's troubles were still further hicreased 
by the behaviour of the Catholics in his court, in 
whom his abjuration had wrought as little change as 
it had done in those of the League. They bore .with 
impatience his not breaking ofi' all connexion with his 
old Protestant servants, and openly murmured, if he 
conversed with any of them, especially me." 

The King proceeded, by negotiation, to gain the 
Leaguers, one by one, by considerations of the public 
good, the inutility of war, the offices of honor and 
profit connected with the government, by presents, 
and by persuasions. Gaining admission to Paris 
without bloodshed, and occasionally taking a town 
that held out against him, by arms ; sending an em- 
bassy to the Pope, and negotiating with foreign 
princes; constantly growing stronger and stronger, 
he was crowned at Chartres, February 17th, 1594, 
King of all France. Whether he gained in a politi- 
cal point of view by his abjuration, or hastened his 
progress to the possession of the whole kingdom, is a 
subject of profound speculation, and involved in 
doubt, when contrasted with his great cotemporary, 
the Prince of Orange. The one trod under feet the 
morality of the religion in which he had been educated 
for the indulgence of his passions ; and then abjured its 
principles and forms under pretext of securing a 
crown for which he was contending. The other won 
by the piety of a sufl'ering people, embraced their re- 
ligion in practice and principle ; and then in defence 
of them and their religion, expended his patrimony 
and rejected the crown they oifered. In both cases 
the supreme authority descended to their posterity ; 


and the difference of the results in two hundred j-ears 
exhibitthe just judgment and righteous providence of 
Almighty God. 

The Mnth National Synod of the Reformed French 
Church, after an interval of about five years from the 
massacre of August, 1572, was held at St. Fay the 
Great, in the Province of Perigord, commencing Feb- 
ruary 2d, 1578. Peter Merlin, pastor of the church 
in the house of Guy Earl, of Laval, the man that 
escaped from the house of Coligny at the time of the 
massacre, was chosen President. * * The deputies of 
every province are charged to press their respective 
provinces to look carefully to the education of their 
youth, and to see to it that schools of learning be 
erected and scholastic exercises, as propositions and 
declamations be performed, that so youth may be 
trained up and prepared for the service of God and 
His church in the holy ministry." The churches were 
*' admonished more frequently to practice catechis- 
ings, and all ministers shall be obliged to catechise 
their Hocks at least once or twice a year." 

Ordered, that Colloquies see to it **that ministers 
may better know their duty, and grow in the study 
and understanding of the holy Scriptures, and be 
more methodical in their sermons and divinity discus- 

** Fathers and mothers are exhorted to be exceed- 
ing careful in instructing their children, which are the 
seed and nursery of the church ; and they shall be 
most severely censured who send them to the schools 
of l*riests, Jesuits, or Nuns." 

Monsieur Ernard, appointed by some of the churches 


to attend at Frankfort, in Germany, in September, 
1577, on a meeting of deputies of the Keformed 
Churches in Christendom, made report of the pro- 
ceedings, ''with which the Synod was well pleased." 
And u[)on consideration of the intention of that meet- 
ing, called by John Casimir Duke of 'Bavaria, and 
Prince Palatine, the uniting of all the Eeformed 
Churches in Christendom in one common bond of 
union, and the forming one uniform Confession of 
Faith for all Protestants, the Synod thanked God for 
so good a motion, and appointed four of their num- 
ber, Anthony De Chandieu and John De Estre Min- 
isters of Paris, Peter Merlin of Yitre in Britian, 
Monsieur Gobert of the French Church of Frankfort, 
to attend that meeting. 

The first appeal brought to Synod came this year 
from the Prince of Conde against the consistory of 
Rochelle, complaining of being debarred the Lord's 
table for acts done on the sea under his commission. 
A prize was taken, which the consistory insisted 
should be returned as unlawfully taken. Cond^ re- 
fused, and plead the act was a political one, and not 
concerning the consistory. The consistory rephed 
that the act was of a moral nature, and under the 
supervision of the Church. The Synod affirmed the 
decision, and appointed a committee to wait on the 
Prince and convince him of the propriety of conform- 
ing to the decision of the Church. 

The Duke De Bouillon, representing the King of 
Navarre, was present at Synod, and permitted to vote. 
The judges and magistrates of St. Fay also had a 
seat. The permitting the magistrates of the place to 


sit in the Synod, became a subject of discussion, and 
was finally determined that their advice and vote 
should be admitted on matters of general proceeding, 
and not permitted on matters of faith and discipUne. 

The Tenth National Synod met at Frigeac, August 
2d, 1579, Monsieur De La Fage moderator. For 
the first time, a roll of the members was preserved 
in the records, together with the provinces in which 
were the Churches they represented. Fourteen pas- 
tors and six elders composed the assembly. The 
Synod enjoined upon Colloquies and Provincial Sy- 
nods to press upon wealthy Churches and individuals 
the importance of sustaining students of divinity, 
and poor scholars of hopeful parts ; ordered that let- 
ters from tills assembly be sent to noblemen and rich 
Churches, urging the matter upon their attention. 

The necessity of a full representation of Elders at the 
N"ational Synod was pressed upon the Provincial Synod. 

** The Confession of Faith presented by the Churches 
of both languages, Dutch and French, in the Low 
countries, hath been approved by this Synod. And 
it was consulted on by this Assembly what means 
would be most proper to re-unite the several Confes- 
sions of all those nations which agree in doctrine 
into one common Confession." 

** Neither tbe canonical nor apocryphal books of 
the Holy Bible sball be transformed into comedies or 
tragedies." This was aimed at a growing evil of the 
times in difterent countries. 

** Cburches that in singing Psalms do fii'st cause 
each verse to be read, shall be advised to forbear such 
childish custom." 


The Eleventli National Synod was commenced 
Wednesday, June 21st, 1581, in Kochelle ; the sec- 
ond meeting in that place. Monsieur De Nort, of 
Rochelle presided. The Confession of Faith read to 
the National Assembly in this place in 1571, was 
read to this, and **all the deputies protested in the 
name of the Churches of their respective provinces, 
that they would persevere in the union of that doc- 
trine and Confession of Faith, which was formerly 
subscribed in the National Synod held in this city in 
the year 1571." 

** Princes and great Lords shall be advised to ob- 
serve the articles of our disciphne, and to send their 
ministers to our national and provincial Synods and 

**For time to come neither ministers, nor any of the 
faithful shall prhit or publish any of their writings, or 
private works without having first obtained the ex- 
press leave and approbation of their respective Col- 

The Tewlfth National Synod, held at Vitre, in the 
castle of the Earl of Laval, commenced May 15th, 
1583, Peter Merlin of the Churches of Vitre and 
Laval, presiding. 

The Churches of the Low countries having requested 
an interchange of deputies at the National Synod ; it 
was agreed to, and arrangements made. 

" It was resolved that a seal shall be made for the 
National Synod, that all letters of importance, written 
in its name, may be sealed by it." A seal was made ; 
on it was a burning bush, in the midst of which was, 
in Hebrew characters, the word Jehovah, and around 


it the words '^Flagrornon con.suinor,'^'' (I am blazing, not 
consuming. ) 

** The Lady De La Blanchardayc hath ]i])ertj 
granted to her to get a minister that may set up the 
true worship of God and exercise of rehgion in her 
house, cahed the wood of Mayne, provided that the 
neighboring Colloquy do aUow and approve of said 
minister. " 

The Harmonia Confessionum, by Castres, was ap- 
proved ; ordered that it be translated into French. 
Monsieur Antliony De Cliandieu pastor at Paris was 
soHcited to undertake a journey to effect an union 
between the churches of Germany and France ; and 
if he cannot go, De Siere was selected and urged to 
go in his place. Monsieur Sahiac was requested to 
wiTte to the princes and divines of Germany, and to 
confer with the Lord Du Plessis about the letters to 
be sent to De Chandieu the delegate. 

The 13th National Synod was held at Montaubon, 
June 15th, 1594, after an interval of eleven years, 
owing to the troubles of the nation in the wars for the 
succession to the French crown. Michael Berault 
presided. Ordered that the Lord's supper be cele- 
Ijrated in this church before the breaking up of this 
Synod to testify '*our union in doctrine and discipline." 

Persons must be appointed to answer adversaries 
who write against the Reformed Chnrch and doc- 
trines. "If any person shall presume to print his 
book before he has first connuunic^atcd it unto his 
Cyollofjny or Synod, acconhng to our discipline, he 
sliall be most severely censured and his book sup- 


The cliurches were exliorted to receive the last 
translation of the Bible made at Geneva ; and thanks 
were given to Monsieur Rotan ; and letters were or- 
dered to the brethren at Geneva, *'who at the desire 
of our churches so happily undertook and accom- 
plished this great work." 

M. Calvin's catechism to be retained in use by the 
churches unaltered. 

Thanks were given to pastor Beraud and others, 
for maintainhig the truth at the conference held at 
Nantes last year, with Monsieur Perron and other 
Popish doctors ; and the Synod commend their offer 
to renew the conference at the King's pleasure. This 
conference had been held by desire of the King while 
he was agitating the question of adjuration. Sully 
says: ** Perron captivated the King by his easy prin- 
ciples and pleasant address." 

The churches were re(juired to pay their quota of 
the expense of the deputies in attending the political 
assembly held at Nantes, December, 1593, at which 
the King had promised toleration ; and also of the 
one to be held at St. Fay by the deputies of the pro- 
vinces, as the interest of the whole Huguenot body 
were in consideration. It was recommended that the 
political union sworn at Nantes by the deputies should 
be sworn to by the churches in their temples of wor- 
ship and in their guild halls. The object was to 
hold the whole body in strict union till the King, who 
had abjured in the May preceding, should grant them 
their promised privileges. 

A father complamed that his son had accepted a 
call to a church against his will and judgment. It 


was set aside by the assembly, and the young man 
went to another place. Ordered, that a regular list be 
kept of all members in communion, and that mem- 
bers subscribe their own names when able to write. 

The Fourteenth N"ational Synod was held at Saumur 
commencing June 15th, 1596. De La Touche was 

Ordered: **That the provinces should be advised 
to do their utmost that a college be erected in each 
of them ; and that by them all jointly, at least two 

"And this Synod judgeth this city, Saunmr, a 
most convenient place for a college, and whenever 
God shall bless with ability, for an academy also." 

Letters were recieved from the King and High 
Constable, expressive of their good will and respect : 
ordered that proper answers be returned, and the 
royal favour be entreated. 

The order established by the gentlemen, met at 
Loudon, that the Huguenot body maintain mutual 
union, was approved of, and ordered to be carefully 
observed till the King grant the free exercise of reli- 
gion by edict. 

The French Church in Loudon asked for a pastor. 

Whether the Scripture songs put in metre by Beza 
shall be sung in the churches, was put over for con- 
sideration, and the provinces were requested to study 
the matter "that it maybe more solidly debated." 
M. Beza was thanked for his sermons on the passion, 
dedicated to the pastors and elders of the churches of 
the kingdom. 

As the Geneva Bible was scarce and dear, it was 


resolved to have an edition of the Bible printed at 
Rochelle. The churches of Upper Languedoc pro- 
posed that able churches should erect libraries for the 
use of ministers and professors or candidates : ap- 
proved. Ordered, that two chaplains be sent from 
the pastors of the Reformed Churches, to the army, 
to serve for six months, to be followed by others in 
order ; the first to go from the Isle of France and 
Normandy. The King's sister asked for De Araaurs 
as her chaplain : granted. He had been chaplain to 
Henry IV. before his abjuration. The very papists 
in the army were melted by his prayers, as well as 
the lords and commanders. When going into a 
fight, they would call upon the Kuig, "that the 
minister who prayed yesterday might pray again." 
Lords going into the army were permitted to take a 
minister with them. 

The assemblies at Monts, St. Fay and Loudon, 
referred to in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth National 
Synods, were the political assemblies of Huguenots, 
which they had commenced in 1560. Distressed at 
the abjuration of the King, their expression of feeling 
was strong. The King promised the meeting at 
Monts, the December succeeding his change of reli- 
gion, that he would grant them toleration. This 
meeting and the succeeding ones passed strong reso- 
lutions to preserve unity of action and purpose till the 
promised Edict was given. The resolute, determined 
course adopted at the meetings, undou])tedly urged 
on Henry to fulfill his promises. He could not for- 
get that he owed his crown and his life to the Hugue- 
nots. He might have continued to delay the per- 


formance in hopes that by the same negotiations that 
had divided and disarmed the Romanists, he might 
win over, one after another, of the Huguenot leaders 
by oflices of honour and profit, till the weakened and 
disorganized body would have ceased to ask any 
Edict, or would have been content with one of nar- 
row terms and influence. The Huguenots feared 
this, and promised each other, in their meetings, and 
enjoined upon the whole body, to reject all proposi- 
tions of personal treaties, or settlements by provinces ; 
and to persist, as one undivided body, to demand, as 
the least boon they could accept, Toleration for their 
religion. Henry, disappointed in his efforts to divide 
and destroy, said, **I can never use them ill, nor 
declare war against them, for I shall always love 
them." The Church courts joined with the political 
assemblies, and gave force to their decisions, urging 
the churches all to bind themselves, by oath, in the 
churches and guild houses, to hold together, and 
make no separate treaty, or cease to demand the 
Edict for toleration. After four years of delay and 
negotiation on one side, and of resolute perseverance 
on the other, the Edict was signed April 13th, 1598. 
The Edict of toleration, called the Edict of Nantes, 
is a document of great length, filling twenty-five 
folio pages, and divided into ninety-two sections. The 
general outlines were marked by the King, and the 
particulars were adjusted according to his expressed 
will. Many hands, Romish and Reformed, were 
employed upon it. The Romanists, in their unwil- 
lingness to grant anything, w^ere ever on the watch 

that he should not give too much ; the Reformed were 


on their guard lest he should not give enough. It is 
evident he granted as little as he supposed would con- 
tent the Huguenots, and no more than he supposed 
the Romanists would bear. The whole was a matter of 
political management. He persisted in calling the 
Huguenots, the ^* pretended Reformed," and styled the 
Romish faith, ^'the Roman, Catholic and Apostolic." 
In a supplement of ten folio pages and fifty-six sec- 
tions, the Reformed had full permission to hold their 
worship except in places especially named, to exer- 
cise their discipline, hold consistories, colloquies. Pro- 
vincial and National Synods. A phrase was added * ' by 
his Majesty's permission," which was used by the suc- 
cessors of Henry IV . , to the great annoyance of the 
Reformed, and finally to the entire suppression of the 
National Synod, their bond of general union. Schools, 
colleges, universities and hospitals were to be open 
equally to the Romanists and Reformed. In political 
influence and in the courts the advantage was on the 
side of the national religion. The Huguenots were 
required to pay taxes for the government and the na- 
tional church, as the other citizens of France ; but as 
a return the King granted them a yearly revenue from 
the Treasury of foi'ty-five thousand crowns for the 
use of the Reformed Church. All political assem- 
blies, which they had enjoyed since 1560, were abso- 
lutely suppressed as unnecessary. 

Philip of Spain lived long enough to know that 
toleration in religion had been gi-anted to the Reformed 
in France. In about five months after the Edict was 
passed, on the ISth of September, he breathed his 
last, broken down by disease and the infirmities of 


age, and the accumulated weight of disappointment. 
He had lost Holland, though Alva had pressed with all 
the power of an absolute monarch, determined to subdue 
his provinces to unity m religion. From the treaty of 
Chateau Carabresis with Henry II. , he had exerted 
himself by negotiations, by intermarriage, by mtrigues 
and by armed force to destroy the Reformed m France. 
Not once was he known to consent to any offer of 
kindness to the Huguenots. He ever contemplated 
them as heretics against religion and absolute mon- 
archy, to be destroyed utterly. He died seeing the 
object of his whole life entirely lost. Before his 
death, for his sons' sake, he conchided a peace with 
France, and so far acknowledging the toleration he 
could not hinder. The whole company of actors and 
advisers of the massacre of St. Barthomew's day had 
now gone down to the grave; and not one could 
claim a single advantage or happy hour flowing from 
that terrible act. The Huguenots, not obtaining all 
they wished, had gained a signal advantage, for the 
protection of which an absolute king was solemnly 

It is vain to conjecture what would have been the 
condition of things if Henry IV. had remained true 
to the faith in which he had been educated ; and to 
those who, true to their fjiith and to his rights, had 
put him on the throne. The things to be gained for 
him were less than those which had been gained by 
his faithful friends and the Providences of God. 
From the time of his abjuration there was no faith 
in his religion any where either in France or at Rome. 

The Huguenots had gone through ceaseless perse- 


cutioiis, whilst fasliioning the Reformed Church, 
whose organization was complete in 1559, and though 
wars and bloodshed called by historians, in derision, 
religious wars, but in truth the struggles of a noble 
people for political and religious rights, protracted 
through more than five and thirty years, had at last 
gained protection for their religious worship. The 
gaining of this in an absolute government, like France, 
was an acknowledgment that rights and privileges 
were not confined to the nobility, but belonged to the 
lowest member of society ; that life, property and re- 
ligion were the unalienable rights of all. 

It has been computed that when the house of Va- 
lois became extinct, and Henry IV. was acknowl- 
edged King of France, the miseries of France had 
reached a height not exceeded by the wars of the Re- 
volution some two centuries afterward. The victims 
of the wars. for the succession had been Utile less than 
a million of men. Nine large cities had been demol- 
ished. Two hundred and fifty villages had been 
burned. The number of houses destroyed was 
about one hundred and twenty-eight thousand. 
The national debt amounted to three hundred and 
forty-five million of livres of the day, equal to fifteen 
million pounds sterling, at twelve per cent, interest. 
The gross amount of taxes was one hundred and sev- 
enty millions ; the net receipt was thirty millions only. 
Of these only eleven millions went to the King for 
the expenses of the government. 



From the Edict of Nantes, 1598, to the Assassination of Henry 
lY., IGIO. 


N the Edict of Nantes a distinction is made between - 
tlie Huguenots, or the lietbrmed Church, and the ■ 

IIu2Cuenots as a pohtical body. Both had claimed, 
and had enjoyed privileges, in the exercise and main- 
tenance of which Henry IV. had come to the crown. 
The Church was confirmed in its right to have a Con- 
fession of Faith, a Disciplhie, and a Form of Wor- 
ship ; ■ and with the restriction of certain })laces, to 
exercise freely the privilege of meeting in assemblies 
for rehgious worship ; the meeting of the Consisto- 
ries, or persons set apart to manage the affairs of 
particular congregations; of Colloqneis, the pastors 
and representatives of the congregations in defined 
neighbourhoods ; of Provincial Synods, the pastors 
and representatives of congregations in a provhice, 
or province associated ; and finally, of the National 
Synod, the representatives from the Provincial Synods ; 
all these meetings being essential to toleration of their 
religion and their worship. But the political meet- 
ings of the Huguenots were forbidden. Previously 
to the year 1560 the Huguenots had no other privi- 
leges than those belonging to toleration in rehgion. 
These they demanded ; and when not granted, main- 
tained under persecution even unto death. But in 



1560, they were invited by the nobility of their body, 
of whom CoUgny, Coiid(5, and Anthony of Niivarre 
took the lead, to come out as a political body, and as 
such to unite for the Bourbon succession to the crown, 
as the most ready and only sensible way of obtaining 
security for the exercise of their religion. Political 
meetings were held in consequence of this reqnest ; 
and as a body the Huguenots declared for the Bour- 
bon, entered into the contest for it, shed their blood 
profusely, under the conviction that freedom in their 
religion was connected with the Bourbon cause ; and 
never ceased in their efforts till, after more than thirty 
year's of trial, Henry IV. was acknowledged King 
of France. 

Their political assemblies were Provincial and Na- 
tional. The smaller meetings in provinces were the 
primary meetings of the people. The larger meet- 
ings were representatives of smaller ones ; and the 
National Assemblies were by representatives from 
the provinces. In their formation and action they 
followed the organization of their church courts. 
In these meetings were debated all things that con- 
cerned the welfare of the whole body, except the 
Confession and Discipline and Worship of their 
Church. Politics and religion were studiously kept 
asunder in their discussions, though the same persons 
often appeared as leaders in the meetings for politics 
and in the meetings for religion ; as the pastors and 
elders and deacons of the Church were often dele- 
gates to the political assemblies. Henry had both 
encouraged these meetings, after he had become the 
head of the party, and had enjoyed the vast ad van- 


tages of their union in council and action. These 
meetings were not sustained by any of the existing 
governing powers of France. Of course they were 
revolutionary, and had accomplished their object. 
Spain, and all the aspiring factions of France, were 
defeated. In settling the policy of his kingdom, the 
King, in the Edict of Nantes, not only did not sanc- 
tion the continuance of these meetings, but positively 
fort id them. It was also claimed that the Provincial 
and National Synods of the Church were also hi- 
cluded in the prohibition. It is, however, a matter 
of history, that in the Edict, as prepared by the King, 
and signed, for the ratification of parliament, there 
was an article confirming the privilege of these politi- 
cal meetings, as a legitimate way for the expression 
to the King of the wants and wishes of the people. 
The Eomanists violently opposed the article. And 
some prominent Huguenots, whether from anxiety to 
end the discussion about toleration, or from short- 
sighted complaisance to the court, or from a desire 
to win the favour of the King, by profession of un- 
bounded confidence in his government, and equitable 
management of afiairs, without any written obligation 
or promise, consented to the erasure of the obnoxious 
article. The great mass of the leaders and people 
were earnest for the sanction of the political assem- 
blies. The King erased the article. IVobably the 
firmness of the assemblies that met at Nantes, St. 
Fay, and Loudon, after the King's abjuration, in de- 
manding a security of their rights and privileges, by 
Edict ; and the resolutions they passed, calling on all 
the Huguenots, whether considered as the Reformed 


of France, or as the political body, that had suc- 
ceeded in the contest about the sucession to the crown, 
to hold together in the strictest union, making no 
separate treaties or agreements for particular towns, 
cities or provinces, or individual nobles, or bodies of 
men, for special privileges, and sustaining each other 
till the rights and privileges of all were settled by 
Edict ; and the tenacity with which the leaders held 
to their demands in the presence of the King him- 
self, all combined, with the King's love of arbitrary 
power, to determine him to erase the article confer- 
ring the privilege of political assemblies, and to insert 
one, positively forbidding any such meetings. 

To allay the discontent among the Huguenots, the 
King promised them, verbally, that the political meet- 
ings should be undisturbed for a series of years, as 
the means and channel of communication between 
the King and his Huguenot subjects. This privilege 
was undisturbed till after the death of Henry IV., and 
being contracted by degrees, was finally abolished by 
his successors. They were particularly desired by the 
Huguenots, for the purpose of choosing two deputies to 
reside at court, to watch over their interests, and be 
the immediate agents through whom to present their 
affairs to the King. With the right of choice, they 
also claimed the right to decide upon the manner the 
deputies performed their appropriate duties. 

It had been not uncommon in making treaties or 
entering into contracts, for nations to give and receive 
the possession of towns and fortresses as pledges, to 
be retained a given number of years, for the fulfil- 
ment of the stipulations of a treaty, or till the condi- 


tions of a contract had been complied with. These 
were called cautionary tovms. In 1570, at the treaty 
made by the Queen Mother and the Huguenots, Ko- 
chelle, Montaubon, Cognac and La Charity were put 
in their possession as fortified places to be retained as 
pledges of the treaty. To these were added by Henry 
all the fortified places they had built up during the 
wars for the succession, amounting to about one hun- 
dred. These with all their arms and forces were to be 
retained by the Huguenots for eight years as pledges 
for the fulfilment of the Edict, and of their safety. And 
nine hundred thousand crowns yearly were promised 
for their support. At the end of eight years the pos- 
session was indefinitely prolonged as a defence or 
surety against the violence of the ecclesiastics that 
ui'ged the destruction of the whole body of the 

With the exception that it became customary to ask 
the royal permission for the meeting of the National 
Synod according to its adjournment, and for the po- 
litical assemblies when desired, the political and reli- 
gious meetings of the Huguenots were held as had 
been usual before the Edict. The advantages was, 
that the Edict confirmed many privileges expressly, 
and the King's leave was given for others without the 
formality or stability of the law. 

The Edict was by the King's influence and authority 
registered and published in April, 1598. On the 26th day 
of the next month, the Fifteenth National Synod com- 
menced its sessions at Montpelier. Pastor Berault pre- 
sided. The King's sister under promise of marriage to 
the Duke of Barr, applied to Synod for advice. She had 


declined to be married after the Eomish form, and the 
Duke to be married after the Reformed manner. 
The Synod advised against the match altogether. 
The King was anxious for it, and prevailed upon the 
Archbishop of Rouen, his natural brother, to pro- 
nounce in his cabinet, the formal words of marriage, 
he himself giving his sister and joining their hands. 
The Duke went immediately to mass, and the Duchess 
to sermon at the court. 

The Edict of Nantes was laid before the Synod. 
Two clauses required attention. By one it was 
ordered, **that all members of the said religion, pre- 
tendedly Reformed, and others who have followed 
this party, shall be bound and holden by all reason- 
able dues ; and under the penalties contained in the 
Edict on these matters, to pay and discharge tithes to 
the curates and other ecclesiastics, and to all others 
to whom they may belong, according to local usage 
and custom." The other in the breast of his Majesty, 
depending on his simple authority, and not on the 
authority of parhament : *'That there shall be placed 
in the hands of Monsieur de Yiese, commissioned by 
his Majesty for that purpose, by the royal treasurers 
each in its year, rescriptions for the sum of forty-five 
thousand crowns, to be employed in certain secret 
affairs which concern them, which his Majesty does 
not wish to speak of or declare." This yearly stipend 
was a small return to the Huguenots for the taxes 
they paid for the support of the Romish clergy by the 
old laws of France, which the King thought it not 
best to change. The tithes were to be paid as usual, 
and this annual sum returned from the ti-easury. The 


Synod determined to appropriate a part of this income 
to the support of two universities, one at Saumur, and 
the other at Montaubon ; and two academies of The- 
ology, one at Montpeher and the other at Nismes. 
The hxrger portion to be divided among the churches 
for the support of the ministry. The number of 
churches were reported according to the provincial 
Synods : 1st. That of the Isle of France, Picardy, 
Champagne and Brie, 88 ; 2nd. Normandy, 59 ; 3rd. 
Brittany, 14; 4th. Burgundy, 12; 5th. Lyonnois, 4; 
6th. Forest, Dauphiny and Provence, 94 ; 7th. Viva- 
rets, 32 ; 8th. Lower Languedoc, 116; 9th. Higher 
Languedoc, 96 ; 10th. Lower Guienne, 83 ; llth. 
Poictou, 50 ; 12th. Xantoigne, 51 ; 13th. Aujou, 21 ; 
14th. Orleans, 39, making in all 760. Each of these 
churches was to receive a portion of the annuity. 

The Synod declared: *'That had it not been for 
the good union and correspondence which is among 
us we had never got the liberty of our consciences in 
the pul)lic profession of the Gospel and service of 
our God, nor justice to be administered to us, nor 
other needfid securities for our lives. This Synod 
doth now protest and resolve, that for the future, that 
union subscribed and sworn at Nantes shall be better 
and more strictly kept and observed than ever, that 
so the articles of this Edict may be performed to us, 
and all other things needful for our preservation, in 
our obedience to his Majesty and his Edicts." Tliis 
union is the one sworn to at Monts, December, 1593, a 
few months after the King's abjuration. It bound 
the whole body to union of action in political mat- 
ters, as their Confession did in religious. Some 


Englisli writers, seeing this union referred to repeat- 
edly by the National Synod, have charged the French 
Church with divisions and discords. By failing to ad- 
here to this union strictly, and yielding to the King's 
wishes, the privilege of political asseml)lies was finally 
lost. The Synod was of the opinion that, but for the 
union, the Edict of Nantes could never have been 

Ordered, ** That all churches do their endeavours 
to maintain their own poor. Also, ministers that 
have gone abroad, on account of the troubles, are 
commanded to return forthwith to the service of their 
churches." The King's sister was promised that the 
Synod would always provide able ministers for the 
church in her house : those ministers to bear no other 
name tlian simply Pastors or Ministers. Complaint 
was made to the English Ambassador, and to Mon- 
sieur De La Fontaine, ministers of the French Church 
in Loudon, of the books injurious to the French 
churches, published by Lutcliffe & Sarovia, in Eng- 
land, and circulated to some extent. 

According to a requirement of the Edict of Nantes, 
the colloquies were commanded by Synod to make 
attestation of the characters and religious standing of 
any man appointed Governor of the cautionary towns, 
to prevent imposition and deception. 

The youth of the Huguenots were not shut out of 
the universities and schools of France. By the Edict 
they were admited to equal advantages with all others. 
The influence pervading them was so entirely Romish, 
and the probability of ill etiects so strong, the Synod 
began in earnest to prepare proper schools of all 


grades sufficient to prepare their youth for all the 
positions of life, and especially for the office of the 
gospel ministry. The word Academy was used in 
the highest classical Greek sense, a place for the 
highest instruction. 

Gathering courage and strength for their work, the 
Reformed Church increased in numbers and inffiience. 
Her members were found along the northern and 
eastern borders of the kingdom in great numbers, 
scattered through tlie centre provinces in less strength ; 
and most numerous in the southern provinces. G reatly 
in the minority in point of numbers, they divided 
France in national strength and influence. Had 
their residences been more contiguous, their relative 
influence would have been greater. And it is far 
from impossible that in the troul)les that afflicted the 
state, after the death of Henry IV., the Huguenots 
would have formed a republic like Holland, and be- 
come a [>owerful confederate state among the nations 
of Europe. Their dispersed condition utterly forbid 
any such attempt ; and a serious consideration of it 
was cut short by the example of many provinces of 
the Netherlands, which, after half a century of wars, 
were overcome and compelled to submit. The time 
for France to become a l^rotestant nation passed in 
the time of Francis I. ; came and went again with 
Henry IV. That the time will come that a true Re- 
formation will pervade France is certain ; but when 
it will come time alone, under the Providence of 
God, will disclose. 

At the close of the sixteenth century, the circum- 
stances of the French nation as a whole, and of the 



Various parts in particular, afforded frequent oppor- 
tunities of working out serious present disquiet to the 
Huguenot body, and preparing for them, after a 
series of years, a catastrophe more desolating than 
the massacre of St. Bartholomow. First, After the 
settlement of the crown on the head of Henry IV. , 
there was, according to .the spirit of the age, and the 
nature of man, an exciting and, to the King, a most 
annoying strife for the acquisition of hereditary es- 
tates, offices and honours. The Leaguers, and all 
opposed to the King of Navarre, sought these as con- 
siderations for their aid and friendship. His old 
friends expected them as means of defraying their 
great expenditures in his cause, and as affording 
opportunities to amass wealth, and meet the demands 
that would come in his future service. They were 
expected as gifts from the King, or as purchases at a 
reduced price, or by marriages with dowagers and 
heiresses. The strife between contending parties 
about them portended violence and civil war in the pro- 
vinces. As many of the prominent men of the Hugue- 
not party were engaged in this strife for property and 
honour, congregations of the Reformed were often 
agitated by contentions in which they had no real 
interest. The aspirants, counting on the advantage 
to be gained by the report that the whole Huguenot 
population of a province were in favour of them and 
their desired boon, used all means to excite the pop- 
ulation to commit themselves in some demand or 
expression of their wish. In one province they were 
assured that the tax, on the necessary article of salt, 
depended on their course in respect to the person 



who should have the farming of that article ; in an^ 
other, that their whole interests as citizens were 
involved. Happily, few congregations thus assailed 
could be prevailed upon to take any step that had the 
ai)i)earence, much less the spirit, of disloyalty. 

Second, The King of Spain, always true to the de- 
sign of destroying the Eeformed in France, had his 
emissaries abroad, in every form and condition of 
society, to excite discontent between the Huguenots 
and the government ; at one time poisoning the ear 
of the King and court with relations of disloyal de- 
signs in the provinces occupied by the Reformed ; at 
other times alarming the Reformed communities with 
reports of the designs of the court for their destruc- 
tion ; and urging the people to revolt, or at least to 
imprudencies that should provoke the King. 

Third, The most clear-sighted and best hiformed 
Huguenots thought with their much loved leader and 
statesman, the murdered Coligny, that their political 
assembhes were necessary for their welfare — almost 
for their existence — and for the ultimate good of 
France. Henry vacilated between his convictions of 
their importance to the Huguenots, and his desire to 
bring all France to his absolute will, yielded so far as 
to pass unnoticed the meetings, and even to give per- 
mission for their being called, to choose delegates to 
be at court to watch over the interests of the whole 
body of the Reformed. The opponents of the Hu- 
guenots urged the great impro[»riety of permitthig 
these meethigs, or even the meetings of the Provin- 
cial and National Synods, whose assembhng, it was 
contended, was against the words of the Edict. In 


favour of permitting these assemblies, it was con- 
tended that they had always been favourable to the 
cause of the Bourbons, and would be still ; were a 
bond of union among the Huguenots ; a means of 
access to the King ; and tliat by them every Hugue- 
not was called to defend his family, his religion, and 
his lawful King. To one of these political assemblies 
which the King permitted to meet, but about which 
rumor liad excited sad anticipations, the King sent 
his Minister Sully, a Huguenot by education and 
profession, to act in his name, and with authority to 
check any disorderly propositions. Whatever designs 
may have been in the heai'ts of members, the kind 
things said by Sully to the assembly strengthened the 
loyalty of the members to the King ; and in the end, 
the meeting was for the good of the community at 
large. Henry understood the Huguenots, and could 
never forget that to them he owed his crown and his 
life ; and, of his own accord, without any decree or 
written obhgation, permitted the political meetings 
they desired ; and this permission grew into a custom 
of the kingdom. 

All places of honour and trust were open to all the 
citizens of France, by Edict, irrespective of their 
rehgious faith. Some of his ablest counsellors were 
Huguenots. Sully showed himself to be a great 
master of finance ; and for two centuries the ablest 
financiers of the French court were Huguenots. 
The debts of the nation were soon paid by Sully. 
The expenses of a generous court were met, and the 
treasury filled with funds for national improvements. 
The King had excelled in war ^.nd negotiations ; and 


his numerous efforts for national improvement were 
successful. France was prosperous, and grew strong 
in Lis reign. lie encouraged mechanic arts, for 
which his Huguenot subjects had a decided predilec- 
tion ; and his treasury grew rich ui their prosperity. 
France rapidly recovered from the ruin of the long 
minorities and regency, and the thirty years war 
for the succession. Men of enterprise were encour- 
aged ; and rapid strides were made towards the first 
place among nations as a great producing kingdom, 
that laid a tribute on Europe by her trafhc. The bal- 
ance of trade made money x^lenty ; and abundance 
of money stimulated the trade and improvements of 
France. The reign of Henry was distinguished by 
great plans and great prosperity. He had a splendid 
court. Paris was the centre of France, and he was 
the centre of Paris. His own ability to govern shone 
splendidly in the abilities and acts of his ministers and 
officers. He knew how to distinguish and how to re- 

Eucouraged l)y the protection of the King, the Re- 
formed Church of France rcdoubkul her elforts to pro- 
mote pure morals and an elevated religious life. To 
prevent mistakes and promote uniformity of action and 
judgment, cases of conscience were sent up from the 
lower church courts to the National Synods for advice 
and decision. These are on record, and from them 
might be deduced a most eh^vated system of morals 
and religions action, fitting all those positions of life 
hi which the gospel of Christ fhids suffering humanity, 
These decisions were enforced by the highest conside- 
rations, and the most diligent attention of the proper 


authorities. Men were taught to dread a guilty con- 
science, and the wrath of God, and the personal dis- 
pleasure of an offended Saviour, more than penance 
and purgatory. They sought the favour of Christ 
more than confession to a priest or an indulgence from 
the Pope. In discipline, tlie aim was impartiality. 
No difference was made between the rich and the 
poor, the high and the low. Impurity was the same 
in all classes and conditions. The church desired to 
purify the cheerfulness and elevate the enjoyments of 
France. The ''vine-clad hills" and fertile vales were 
the abodes of simple-hearted cheerfulness and piety. 
Men and women were taught to be glad in the Lord, 
and kind to their fellow-men. The sacredness of love 
was impressed by powerful considerations. He that 
trifled with woman's affections was judged a sinner. 
A promise of marriage once uttered miglit not be re- 
voked. Men and women were taught to expect their 
highest earthly enjoyments in the domestic relations ; 
and the Church guarded those relations with unceas- 
ing care. In no part of Europe were the manners 
and habits of intercourse more pleasing, pure and ele- 
vated, than among the Huguenot communities. They 
would sing ; and the music and sentiments of their 
songs often excited the licentious to a fury of 'persecu- 
tion. The morals, the religious living, and the do- 
mestic virtues of these people, had one unequivocal 
commendation ; the licentious hated them. The 
Kings and nobles, and men in office, cast longing 
eyes upon the beautiful specimens of human loveli- 
ness, and cursed the barriers that protected them. 
They would tear down the vine to plunder the clus- 


ters. The court of France had been long renowned 
as the most splendid m Europe. Beneath that splen- 
dour was concealed a deadly indulgence of gross pas- 
sion, fatal to purity, life, and future blessedness. 
Henry IV. was not surpassed, by his predecessors or 
successors, in licentious desires. He was simply less 
formal and bloody than Henry VHI. of England. 
He could make wickedness fashionable, and the de- 
struction of domestic quiet a sport and a jest. Sully, 
an ardent friend of his, says: ''I am weary of dis- 
playing those little weaknesses in a prince who, on 
other occasions, has afforded me so many opportuni- 
ties of admiring the heroic firmness of his mind. 
This storm, occasioned by a mere love-quarrel, ended, 
as usual with Henry, in an increase of tenderness for 
his unworthy mistress, which carried the misunder- 
standing between him and the Queen to greater 
heights than ever. It was fixed by a most unaccount- 
able contradiction in the nature of tilings, that this 
prince should, throughout his life, seek his pleasures 
and gratifications at the expense of his quiet and his 

Every means by false reports and otherwise were 
used to influence the mind of the King and his court 
against the Huguenots, whose doctrines and way of 
life were a perpetual re[)roof. Sound sense and ar- 
gument, and clear expositions of Scripture, and great 
earnestness characterised their pulpit ministrations. 
Their mhiisters were the most eloquent hi France ; 
and though in after times Bossuet, Massilon and 
Bourdaloue were exalted by the Romanists as the 
first of pulpit orators, the King said Du Bosc the 


Huguenot was the most eloquent man in his kingdom. 
In foreign lands, where thjs language was understood, 
the French pastors were admired; and **the French 
pulpit" came to mean great earnestness in the de- 
livery of sound doctrine m a winning, often a splen- 
did style. Pious Huguenots had unwearied enjoy- 
ment in their public worship, their prayers, their ser- 
mons and their singing. Religion is impressve ; and 
they were an impressive people. Religion is intellec- 
tual, and they were an intellectual people. Freedom 
in religion meant, freedom to serve God personally, 
and to educate their children to noble actions and im- 
mortality. They expected to be justified by the right- 
eousness of Jesus Christ, and would hear of nothing 
less than perfection in the Son of God, in His person 
and His life ; and they would bind themselves with 
the golden bands of a Saviour's love. A true Hu- 
guenot, at the court of Henry, was like Daniel in 
Babylon. And, like him, they often won from their 
monarch strong expressions of admiration : ** I shall 
never forget that God made use of that body to free 
me from the oppression of Spain, to assist me in sup- 
porting my just rights, and to save even my life from 
the fury of the Leaguers." Henry admired their vir- 
tue, and was licentious still. 

The Huguenots were increasing in numbers by the 
multiplication of their own families and l)y converts 
from the. Romish faith, which were so numerous that 
the Synod called the particular attention of the church 
officers to regulate the course of proceeding, lest evil 
consequences should follow to the doctrine and prac- 
tice of the Church by the influx of these new members. 


The Sixteenth IsTational Synod commenced its ses- 
sions at Gergeau, May 9th, 1601. Monsieur Pacard 

Ordered, That, ** Richer churches and great Lords 
shall be entreated to erect libraries for the benefit of 
their ministers and candidates." 

Also, That, ** Lotteries ought in no wise to be ap- 
proved, whether they be appointed by miJgistrates or 
not ; and godly magistrates are entreated by their 
authority to suppress them." 

Also, ** We judge it an unfitting practice to be in- 
troduced into our churches, however it be common 
among some other foreign churches of Christ, to send 
out candidates hito country villages, there to preach 
whole months upon trial before ordination." 

Also, ** That letters be \tritten to the professors in 
Leyden, requesting them not to ordain the students 
from France, as it is desirable they be sent home to 
be ordained before the churches." 

Also, *' That a register list be kept of those who 
have come from the Romish Church to be united with 
the Reformed since the last National Synod, and an 
account of them be given to the church at Montauban." 

'* Provincial Synods are ordered to take special care 
that the widows and orphans of poor ministers de- 
ceased in the service of their provinces, be provided 

The number of churches of the Reformed were re- 
ported 753. 

The Seventeenth National Synod commenced its 
sessions at Gap, in Dauphiny, October 1st, 1G03. 
Daniel Charaier presided. 


*'Thl8 Synod, reading over the Confession of Faith, 
and explaining the 18th, 20th, and 22d Articles of the 
said Confession, concerning our justification before 
God, expresseth its detestation of these errors, which 
are now-a-days broached to the contrary, and in par- 
ticular their errors who deny the imputation of Christ's 
active and passive obedience, by which he has most 
perfectly fulfilled the whole law unto us for righteous- 
ness. And therefore provincial Synods, colleagues 
and consistories shall have a careful eye on those per- 
sons who be tainted with that error, be they ministers 
or private Christians ; and by the authority of this 
Assembly shall silence them ; and in case of a wilful, 
stubborn persistency in their errors, depose them, if 
they have pastoral charge in the Church, from the 
ministry. And letters shall be written to Master Pis- 
cator to entreat him not to trouble the churches with 
his new-fangled opinions ; as also from this Assembly 
to the Universities of England, Scotland, Leyden, 
Geneva, Heidelburg, Basil, and Herborne, in which 
Piscator is professor, requesting them to join with us 
also in this censure. And in case the said Piscator 
shall pertinaciously adhere unto his opinions. Masters 
Sohnius and Ferrier are to prepare an answer to his 
books, and that it be ready against the meeting of the 
next Synod." 

Respecting the Pope, '* Whereas the Bishop of 
Rome hath erected for himself a temporal monarchy 
in the Christian world, and usurping a sovereign au- 
thority and lordship over all churches and pastors, 
doth exalt itself to that degree of insolency as to be 
called God, and will be adored, arrogating to himself 


all power in heaven and on earth to dispose of all ec- 
clesiastical matters, and to define articles of faith ; 
and in the civil State he tramples under foot all law- 
ful authority of magistrates, setting up and pulling 
down Kings, disposing of Kings and their kingdoms 
at his pleasure ; we therefore believe and maintain 
that he is truly and properly the anti-Christ, the son 
of perdition, predicted by the Holy Prophets ; we hope 
and wait tliat the Lord, according to His promise, 
and as He hath already begun, will confound him by 
the Spirit of His mouth, and destroy him finally by 
the brightness of His coming." 

The Synod ordered the book of the Lord Du Pies- 
sis upon the Eucharist to be printed, it having been 
read and approved by the pastors and professors of 
Geneva. The provincial Synod of Vivarets having 
decreed excommunication against an elder unless he 
immediately withdraw his son from the Jesuit College 
in Taurnon, this Synod confirm the decree. 

Those suffering for their expressed opinion about 
the Pope being anti-Christ were commended to the 
sympathy of the whole body of the Church ** accord- 
ing to that firm bond of union which is established 
among us ;" and the deputies at court were directed 
to petition the King that they might not suffer on that 

The Synod determined to have correspondence with 
the orthodox universities of Germany, England, Scot- 
land, Geneva, Basil, and Leyden, respecting an union 
of all the Protestant churches. 

Ordered, That pastors shall not be non-residents. 
Kespectmg the word "pretended," as used in the 


Edict of Nantes, before the word ** reformed," as the 
name of the French Church, it was determined that 
the word ** pretended" should not be used; and a 
petition should be sent to the King on the subject. 

Ordered, Tliat oaths be taken by holding up the 
right hand, and not by kissing the Bible. 

A roll of the Church was presented this year and 
printed in full, excepting the province of Normandy, 
from which there was neither roll nor deputy. Tlie 
ministers in actual service were 478 ; Emeriti, 11 ; 
Candidates, 46. 

The moderator of this Synod was familiarly called 
the Great Chamier. He was killed at the siege of 
Montauban, where he was pastor and professor, on a 
Sabbath morning by a cannon ball, on which was the 
letter C, supposed to mean the hundredth shot at the 

The Eighteenth National Synod was held at Ro- 
chelle, commencing March Ist, 1G07. Monsieur Be- 
raut was President. 

** Whereas, Dr. John Piscator, Professor in the 
University of Herborne, by his letters of answer to 
those sent him from the Synod of Gap, doth give us 
an account of his doctrine in the point of justification, 
as that it is only wrought out by Christ's death and 
passion, and not by His life and active obedience ; this 
Synod, in nowise approving the dividing causes so 
nearly conjoined in this great eftbrt of divine grace, 
and judging those arguments, produced by him for 
the defence of his cause, weak and invalid, doth order 
that all the pastors in the respective churches of this 
kingdom do wholly conform themselves in their teach- 


ings to that form of sound words which hath been 
hitherto taught among us, and is contained in the 
holy Scriptures, that the whole obedience of Christ, 
both in His Hfe and death, is imputed to us for the 
full remission of our sins and acceptance unto eternal 
life ; and, in short, this being but one and the same 
obedience, is an entire and perfect justification." 

The Synod expressed itself satisfied with the expli- 
cation of repentance given by Piscator. 

The answer to Piscator'sbook, prepared by Sohnius, 
pastor and professor at Montauban, was considered 
and approved ; but the publication was postponed, in 
hopes of settling the question with Piscator without a 
printed controversy, as letters had been received from 
John Earl of Nassau, by the pastor of Bordeaux, in 
which he expressed his desire for maintaining the 
peace and union of the Church ; and particularly pro- 
mised that the outbreaking of Piscator's notions 
should be prevented, provided he was not provoked 
elsewhere by any others to publish in reply to attacks. 
It was hoped that a bitter controversy might be 

The Confession of Faith having been read, was, as 
usual, approved by every member of Synod, ** parti- 
cularly in what had been determined according to the 
Scriptures, that we be justified before God by the im- 
putation of that obedience of our Lord Jesus which 
He yielded unto God, His Father, in His life and 
death. Which protestation the deputies of the pro- 
vinces will, by the authority of this Synod, cause also 
to be taken by all the pastors of their respective pro- 
vinces which have sent them," 


Ordered, That an exact catalogue of the churches, 
ministers and candidates in their respective provinces, 
be brought by the deputies to the National Synod. 

** Monsieur Perrin is entreated to finish his begun 
history of the true estate of the Albigenses and Wal- 
denses ; and to lielp in it, all persons having memoirs 
by them, either of doctrine, discipline, or persecutions 
of those poor saints of Christ, are charged to trans- 
mit them to him with all possible diligence and care." 

Monsieur Chamier was requested to prosecute his 
worthy labours begun in answer to the works of Bel- 

It being understood that her Majesty would be dis- 
pleased by the publication of the article on anti-Christ, 
the Synod resolved that the printing be omitted, pro- 
vided that members were not molested for it, or any 
minister for preaching it, teaching or writing about 
it ; and the subject was to be laid before his Majesty. 

Leave was granted to those eleven provinces, in 
which there was neither College or Academy, to erect 
one ; and the Synod promised one hundred crowns to 
each for that purpose. 

His Majesty having expressed his determination 
that hereafter in choosing deputies to attend at court 
for the purpose of attending particularly to the affairs 
of the Huguenots, the Synod should nominate six 
persons, out of whom the King would choose two to 
** serve for three years," and that if either should die 
before the term of service expire, his Majesty would 
choose a successor from the remaining four ; the Sy- 
nod objected to this change in the manner of election. 
The King held to his determination ; and the Synod, 


persisting in its adherence to the old rule, chose two 
deputies to attend at court, entreating his Majesty to 
accept them ; promising that the matter of changing 
the manner of election, and of the time of service, 
should he left to the next political assemhly, as the act 
of union of 1,593 required that such matters as related 
to the puhlic welfare, of a political nature, should be 
determined by a political assembly. 

It is evident the King was preparing to do away 
with the political asscml^lies of the Huguenots, and 
designed to regulate the proceedings of the church 

Thanks were rendered to God for the letters from 
the Elector Palatine, the University of Heidelberg, 
Synods of Holland and Zealand, and county of Ilai- 
naw, from the classes of Lauzane, Morges and Iver- 
don, the canton of Berne, and city of Geneva, on the 
subject of uniting the Protestant churches ; in which 
the Confession of Faith of the French Church was 
approved. *'A11 persons are exhorted to be mighty 
wrestlers with God in humble and ardent prayers that 
it may be eifected." 

Those admitted to the Master's degree to be kept 
on trial two years before they are admitted into the 
ministry. And candidates with good testimonials may 
be spectators of the National Synods ; but persons not 
ecclesiastics may not, whatever their quality or condi- 

The Nineteenth National Synod commenced its ses- 
sions at St. Maxaut ui Poictou, May 25th, 1609. 
Monsieur Merlin presided. 

** Monsieur Vergnier presenting his theatre of anti- 


Christ, composed by him in obedience to the command 
of the National Synod, received the thanks of the As- 
sembly for his great and worthy pains ; and the Uni- 
versity of Sanmur is ordered to peruse it, and having 
given their opinion of it, that it be printed with the 
author's name." 

In welcoming ministers from a foreign land, parti- 
cularly Scotland, from which she received a number 
of excellent ministers that found it necessary to leave 
their native land for a time, the National Synod was 
especially careful to maintain the authority of its own 
discipline and government and doctrine. In delibe- 
rating this year upon the case of Mr. Welch, the fa- 
mous Scotch minister who fled to France in 1606 and 
was muiister at Jouzar in Xantoigne, the Synod de- 
clared — **and furthermore he is commended, both in 
preaching and in the exercise of discipline, to conform 
unto that order and manner used and accustomed in 
the churches of this kingdom." So far was the Sy- 
nod from receiving a moulding from abroad, she was 
jealous of even seeming to do so ; whilst, at the same 
time, she cherished the kindest feelings to the Church 
of Scotland and the churches on the continent. 

In administering the Lord's supper, the Synod en- 
joined simplicity and uniformity ; the prayer appointed 
for the sacrament being made, the words of institution 
were to be read, then the elements to be uncovered, 
and the communicants to come one after another, and 
not in regular ranks, to the Lord's table. The ele- 
ments were not to be dispensed by others than the 
pastors and elders, *'nor shall the * exhortations or 
thanksgivings be made till that the elements have 


been distributed among the commnnicants of every 

The prhiter of Rochelle having proposed to print an 
edition of the Bible '' that might be easily carried any 
where in the pocket," he was encouraged to proceed ; 
^^and forasmuch as divers godly persons desired there 
niiffht be an index added to it of those texts which 
are most proper and pertinent for confirming the truth 
and confuting error," the Synod approving the sug- 
gestion, '' because of its singular usefulness, entreated 
Monsieur Merlin to see it accomplished ; w^hich he 
promised to perform." 

The provincial Synods were requested to nominate 
some fit person to be prepared to defend some impor- 
tant doctrine in the following order : 1st. Poictou — 
the word of God, written and unwritten ; 2d. Anjou 
—Christ, the Pope and anti-Christ ; 3d. Xaintonge — 
the Church and Councils ; 4th. Orleans and Berry — 
the vocation and grades of the ministry ; 5th. Isle of 
France — the monks, clergy, and laity ; Gth. Provence 
the state of the patriarchs, of infants, and of pur- 
gatory ; 7th. Normandy — the blessedness, the invo- 
cation, and the relics of the saints ; the hierarchies 
worship and service of angels ; 8th. Iliglier Langue- 

doc the nature of the sacraments generally, and the 

true ones in particular ; 9th. Lower Guyenne— sacri- 
fice and the Popish mass ; 10th. Burgundy— the five 
false sacraments of the Papists, and hidulgencies and 
jubilees ; 11th. Lower Languedoc — the state of the 
first man, sin, and the cause of sin ; 12tli. Brittany — 
original sin, the law, and the fulfilling of the law ; 
13th. Vivaretz— free-will and predestination ; 14th. 


Dauphin J — justification, good works, merit in general 
and particular. 

On the subject of the Universities, which w^as laid 
over to this Synod ; determined that there should be 
five conthmed : 1st. Montauban, with two professors 
in divinity, one in Hebrew and one in Greek ; with 
two professors of philosophy ; 2d. At Saumur, with 
as many professors as at Montauban ; 3d. At Nismes, 
with one professor in divinity, and one in the Hebrew 
and Greek tongues ; 4th. At Montpellier, with one 
professor in divinity, and one in the Hebrew and the 
Greek tongues ; 5th. At Sedan, with one professor 
in divinity, one in Hebrew, and one in Greek. A 
college was to be maintained at Montauban, with a 
principal and seven regents ; and in case of a refusal, 
their privilege of being an university was to be trans- 
ferred to Bergesac. Saumur also was to maintain a 
college with five regents. The privilege of a college 
was granted to Bergesac, a sufficient sum having been 
raised there to maintain an institution, *< as well sup- 
plied with regents to instruct our youth in grammar- 
learning and philosophy as the best of our adversa- 
ries." These adversaries were the Jesuits who aspired 
to engi'oss the education of youth. The Duke of Sul- 
ly had the privilege of settling a college at Gergeau 
until that built by him at Boisbelle be completely fin- 

In the various questions brought before the Na- 
tional Synod of disciplinary nature between the Edict 
of :N"antes 1598, and the death of Henry lY. in 1610, 
and the decisions of the Synod on them, two things 
are clearly seen : 1st. That in case any minister was 


condemned, by a Colloquy or provincial Synod, as 
guilty of immorality, there was great difficulty in ob- 
taining any alleviation from the National Synod ; 2d. 
The resoluteness with which all the judicatories main- 
tained the sacredness of the marriage vows and the 
married state. Promises of marriage were considered 
binding, whether made as linal at the time of promis- 
ing, or to be made final at some future time. All 
breaches of promise were considered as worthy of the 
censures of the church, except in cases the Scriptures 
say would justify divorce. 

In this way the Pluguenot Church bore a constant 
and earnest protest against the lasciviousness of the 
court, which plead for its excuse the example of the 
King, who always maintained at least one acknowl- 
edged mistress, often under sacred promise to make 
them Queen on given emergencies, which promises 
were never fulfilled, though the conditions were. By 
her example, and preaching, and discipline, the Hu- 
guenot Church bore her testimony against a corrupt 

The King of France had known the ill effects of 
the ambitious designs of the Spanish Kings, Charles 
V. and his son and grandson Philip, for an overpower- 
ing universal monarchy ; and had felt, in his own per- 
son, the ills arising from the intrigues of one nation 
to manage the affairs and control the religion and 
politics of another. lie conceived a plan for the pa- 
cificatio!! of Europe and esta])Hshing its peace on the 
basis of a balance of power, which when once ad- 
justed, it would be the interest of all the parts of Eu- 
rope to maintain. ITc calculated on tlie co-operation 


of tlie weaker powers from tlie immediate advantages 
and future safety of their dominions. He expected 
the assistance of the Protestant powers, as the balance 
of power would hmit the house of Austria in Germa- 
ny, Spain, and Italy, and be a guard against the 
Pope's overweauing influence in mmgling the tempo- 
ral with the spiritual dominion. And he believed 
that even the Pope himself would agree to a balance 
of power that would render his temporal possessions 
more safe. The details of his plan were never pro- 
mulgated ; the outlmes were known to Sully, who be- 
lieved the scheme practicable, and to some of the Pro- 
testant powers, who were hopeful of the event. 

Henry made great preparations to sustain a power- 
ful army. His treasury was full ; his outfit for an 
army complete in stores of provisions and abundant 
armories ; his finances arranged for a constant supply; 
his officers chosen ; the agriculture and mechanic arts 
flourishing throughout his kingdom ; and all France 
satisfied with his government ; the Romanists that he 
had abjured Protestantism, and the Huguenots that 
he had given them toleration. Everything, to all hu- 
man appearance, seemed ready for his great enter- 
prise. With reluctance he had yielded to the solicita- 
tions of the Queen to be made regent of the king- 
dom while he should be engaged beyond its limits. 
He decided that the coronation should take place on 
the eve of his departure. All arrangements being 
completed, the Queen was declared regent with appro- 
priate ceremonies. In the midst of the ceremonies 
and rejoicings that followed the coronation, on Fri- 
day, the 14th of May, 1610, the King, while passing 


in his cam age through a narrow street, was stahbed 
by the assassin Eavillac. Watching and following the 
King for days, the murderer seized the opportunity, 
when the carriage of his Majesty was delayed by a 
crowd of vehicles, sprang upon one of the hinder 
wheels and gave him three stabs in quick succession, 
causing his death almost instantaneously in the arms 
of two friends riding with him. The murderer, on 
his examination, made no confession of accomplices. 
He was tortured ; he endured the agonies of the 
wooden boot ; his right hand was burnt off; his flesh 
was torn with hot pincers ; liquid lead and boiling oil 
were poured into Viis wounds ; for an hour he endured 
the pulling of four horses, which were unequal to the 
task of tearing his body into quarters, till the crowd 
rushed in upon him and cut his sinews. Nothing es- 
caped his lips that might criminate any one as an ac- 

There had been various foretclUngs of the death of 
the King by violence ; circumstances were pointed 
out, as at a time of rejoicing, in a carriage, and in 
the midst of people. Astrology was a folly of the 
age. Henry, unwilling to subscribe to its truth, was 
yet unable to avoid its influence. He trembled more 
under the revelations communicated to him than in 
the shock of battle. He told his Minister Sully, 
whether jestingly or in earnest, that he dreaded the 
coronation of the Queen, for it seemed to him it was 
the time foretold for his death. Many have thought 
that the numerous warnings and predictions of violent 
death, culminating in his assassination after the coro- 
nation, were evidence of the complicity of many per- 


sons in the preparatory steps and the execution of the 
foul act ; rather than the agreement of astrological 
calculations, by various persons, ignorant of each 
other's designs or employment. The evidence brought 
before the Parliament of Paris during a long investi- 
gation of the circumstances accompanying and pre- 
ceding the death of the King, was carefully concealed 
from the public, and finally suppressed. This con- 
firmed the belief, that, notwithstanding the oath of 
Eavillac, persevered in to his death, there were not a 
few accessories to the King's murder ; that many were 
planning and contriving the same event, by some 
general impulse, eitlier singly on their own responsi- 
bility, or in a well arranged connection never revealed. 
Some looked to the Jesuits in France ; some looked 
to Spain ; and others to Italy, for the contrivers of 
the deed. 

Immediately after the assassination, the Queen as- 
sembled the council for advice and co-of aeration. In 
a short time a new council was chosen. The old finan- 
cier Sully was retained for a time, and probably might 
have passed his life in the treasury if, with his great 
abilities for his position, he could have conjoined a 
ready willingness to gratify the demands of the Queen's 
favourites upon the resources of the kingdom. The 
honesty that made him great forbade the acquiescence. 
While the court was yet echoing with *<the time of 
kings is over, and that of princes and grandees is 
come, and all they have now to do is to set a high 
value upon themselves," Sully, returning from an in- 
terview, to which he had been invited, with the Queen 
and her new council, writes : ** The deceased King's 


government, so wise, so gentle, and so glorious to 
France, was condenuied almost publicly, and even 
despised and ridiculed ; at one time they treated his 
designs as mere chimeras ; at another they represented 
him as a weak and pusillanimous prince, incapable of 
taking any noble resolution. It was not enough to 
leave the death of this great prince unpunished ; they 
added to that neglect all sorts of outrages against his 
memory ; and unhappily for us, heaven, which re- 
served to itself this vengeance, suffered envy and in- 
gratitude to triumph in their success. I returned 
home full of grief at what I saw and heard. We are 
going, said I, to Madam Sully, whose prudence I well 
knew, to fall under the dominion of Spain and the 
Jesuits ; all true Frenchmen, and the Protestants es- 
pecially, must look well to their safety ; for they will 
not continue long in tranquility." 

All the great designs of Henry IV. for the recovery 
of his paternal kingdom of Navarre, for adjusting the 
boundaries of France, and ensuring the pacification 
of Europe, by establishing and maintaining a balance 
of power for the aggrandizement of France by inter- 
nal improvements in innumerable ways, all died with 
him. The Queen regent and her council had other 
designs for the expenditure of the treasures and re- 
sources of France. Henry had some of the requisites 
of a great statesman, a capacity for large general 
views, and a capability to etiter into and arrange the 
minute details necessary to accomplish tlie most ex- 
tensive plans, soundness of judgment in deciding upon 
matters of national policy and improvement, quick- 
ness of discernment, which ejcperience had rendered 


almost infallible, of what was favourable and what 
opposing in those with whom he came in contact, with 
a firmness of purpose that variety and love of pleasure 
could not shake or dangers alarm, with a prudence in 
revealing his designs which was equalled only by his 
firmness of purpose. But in other things equally es- 
sential to a great statesman, whose excellence shall 
abide on the page of history when the events of his 
generation have seemed to lose their influence upon 
our race, he was greatly deficient. In comparing 
him with that statesman and soldier, Coligny, undei* 
whose example he learned war and politics, we can 
allow him in many things equal abilities ; and in some 
things perhaps greater. But in others of unspeaka- 
ble importance, the pupil was greatly inferior to his 
master, the purity of personal morals, and consistency 
in religion. "Without these a man may be a great, 
but not a complete immortal statesman. Coligny was 
murdered, and Henry was murdered, both in the 
midst of the plans of their greatest statesmanship. 
The purity of the one has made his great principle of 
toleration, which nothing but purity of principle and 
heart could have conceived, immortal. The want of 
purity of morals in the other left his great principle, 
the balance of power in Europe, a doubtful principle 
in itself and in its action, till other men in other 
times have demonstrated it. Coligny is a statesman 
for all ages ; men may always follow the principles of 
him who could say he would rather **die than be 
compelled to witness the miseries of a civil war," 
** which his life could not prevent or remedy." Hen- 
ry's statesmanship can be imitated only by such men 


as Louis XIV. and Napoleon Bonaparte. He is not 
a statesman for everybody nor for all time. 

The iirst Bourbon King laid the foundation for the 
glory and the downfall of his line. By his manly 
bearing as a soldier, ** where my white plume is, is 
the post of honor," and by the aid of his incorrupti- 
l)le Huguenots, he gained the crown of France. He 
brought every duke that pul^licly talked, or privately 
sighed for that crown, to take his proper place in the 
kingdom. He increased and made permanent the 
resources of France ; the incapacity of his successors 
encumbered, but could not ruin them. He amalga- 
mated France; his successors shook, but could not 
rend the kingdom. He strove to impress upon his 
posterity and the world, that it was the prerogative of 
France to pacify Europe. But this same man, when 
about to take his position on religion before the 
world, having resolved to abandon the principles in 
which he had been reared, and in the defence of 
which the Huguenots had carried him to his throne, 
and profess the religion of those who had for years 
sought his life and finally rejoiced in his death, to 
whom in his retirement does he write : ** On Sunday 
I shall take a dangerous leap. While I am writing 
to you, I have a hundred troublesome people about 
me, which makes me detest St. Denis as much as you 
do Mont('??" but to one who bewildered him and, 
sacrificing her own honor, despoiled his house of 
peace. He would profess his religion before the 
world while living in contempt of the enduring laws 
of heaven, which, if a man break, and teach others 
so, he shall be called least in the kingdom of God, 


The morals of Henry were at war with his profession 
as a Huguenot. Confession and penance could not 
hide them as a follower of the Pope. He utt^^-ly dis- 
regarded the domestic purity of France. He gathered 
fair specimens of the beauty and wit of his kingdom 
to be exposed as women whose glory was departed, 
and who gloried in their shame. Noblemen lost their 
sisters, their daughters, and their wives ; and the 
wealth and splendour of the court could not hide and 
sanctify the shame. The King was a libertine. Many 
of his courtiers followed his example. In the excesses 
of others there had been disgrace ; Henry made his 
fashionable. He encouraged the beautiful to aspire 
to the crown, and mocked them when they had paid 
the stipulated price. He attempted to destroy purity 
at its fountain-head. For a series of years mistresses, 
rather than the Queen, governed the court of France. 
As went the court, so went Paris in fashions and reli- 
gion. As went Paris, so went the fashionable in the 
kingdom that desired a welcome at court. 

Libertinism, under whatever form of religion it 
may prevail, necessarily becomes infidel of that form; 
and, in process of time, atheistic. From the dawn of 
the Reformation till the beginnhig of the seventeenth 
century, true religious knowledge and practice of piety 
was on the increase in France. From that time, that 
true knowledge of God and His word, on which all 
true religion is founded, began to be hemmed in to the 
narrowing circle of the Huguenots ; and the success- 
ful efforts to lessen their numbers, and finally drive 
them from France, gave infidelity and its consequent 
atheism full sway. Under this dominion, the Bour* 


bon line went down in the terrible revolutions that 
saw Louis XVI. and his beautiful Queen, Marie An- 
toinette, victims of the guillotine. The glory and 
the ruin of the Bourbon line began with its first 



The Reign of Louis XIII. from 1610 to the Peace of Montpellier, 
1622. The Destruction of the Political Privileges of the Hu- 
guenots begun. 

The assassination of Henry IV. of France brought 
to a gloomy close the festivities of the coronation of 
his Queen, regent of the kingdom, in his expected 
absence for the pacification of Europe, and his possi- 
ble death while in the accomplishment of that great 
work. The widowed Queen entered, the next morn- 
ing, on the duties of her office. The burial of her 
husband having been duly performed, she made pre- 
paration for the speedy coronation of her son, a youth 
of nine years, to be performed at Rheims. His title 
to be Louis XIIE. 

The great plans of Henry IV., on which he was 
just entering, were all abandoned. Two persons, 
Concinni and GalUgai his wife, Italians that came to 
France with the Queen, from being her confidents, 
now became her engrossing governing favourites, ac- 
cording to whose advice all things were fashioned. 
Sully, for his great practical knowledge of finance, 
and his known integrity, was continued, for a few 
years, at the head of the financial aftairs of the king- 
dom, perplexed and thwarted in his labours by the 
caprices of the Queen and her greedy and unscrupu- 
lous favourites. He was a Huguenot, and she wished 


to conciliate the whole body of the Kcformed for the 
welfare of herself, the young King, and the nation. 

On the 22d of May, eight days after the death of 
her husband, the Queen, still further to conciliate the 
Huguenots, declared in the name of the minor King, 
that he admitted the fact tliat the Edict of Nantes had 
established the tranquility of France, ** Wherefore, 
although this Edict is perpetual and irreversible, and 
consequently needs not to be coniirmed by farther de- 
clarations, still, in order that our said subjects may be 
assured of our protection, be it known, said, and or- 
dered, that the aforesaid Edict of Nantes, in all its 
points and articles, shall be maintained and held in- 

Soon after, to conciliate the Pope, the Queen caused 
letters to be addressed to him, preparing the way for 
a close alliance ; and declaring a readiness for a treaty 
altogether favourable to the assumed visible head of 
the liomivsh Church. 

In the second year of her regency, the Queen, still 
further to conciliate and attach to her interests the 
Huguenots, issued in the name of the King an Edict. 
*'This first day of October, 1611, the King being at 
Paris, assisted by the Queen regent his mother in 
council, having been informed for what considerations 
the late King, of glorious memory, had, by a warrant 
of the 3d of April, 1508, granted unto his subjects of 
the Pretended Reformed religion, the yearly sum of 
forty-five thousand crowns, to be employed in some 
secret service of theirs ; and though his present Ma- 
jesty be not obliged by those secret articles, warrants, 
and answers unto memoirs, made in favour of these 



his said subjects, to increase or angraent the said 
sum ; yet nevertheless desiring, as much as in him 
lieth, to gratify and favour his said subjects, and that 
he may give them a sense of his good will and love 
to them, his Majesty, by the advice of the aforesaid 
lady, tlie Queen regent, and of his mere grace and 
liberality, doth grant unto those of the Protestant 
Reformed religion the above mentioned sum of forty- 
five thousand crowns, and over and above the same, 
another yearly sum of five and forty thousand livres 
as an act of bounty, which said money he wills and 
ordains that for the future it be issued out of the gen- 
eral funds of his treasury, by virtue of this present 
warrant, which to this purpose he hath signed with 
his own hand, and is countersigned by me, his Coun- 
sellor of State and Secretary of his Commandments." 
Signed, Louis; and a little lower, Philippeaux. 

This was the last Edict favourable to the Hugue- 
nots ; and the gifts in it the last gifts ever made them 
by the crown. From this time their rights and privi- 
leges were steadily assailed, and one by one were all 
wrested from them. Unhappily for the Huguenots, 
their leaders became divided in their political councils 
in their first meeting during the reign of the young 
King ; and some, from mistaken policy or a desire to 
please the court and secure their own advancement, 
which Sully charges on them boldly, proposed mea- 
sures which divided and weakened the body, when the 
greatest concert was absolutely necessary to meet the 
consequences of the Spanish alliance already planned, 
and the renewing the influence of the Spanish in- 
trigues, which sought now, as in the time of the house 


of Valois, the utter ruin of the lleformed in France, 
according to the tenor of the treaty of Chateau Cam- 
bresis. The Huguenots were now at the height of 
their prosperity : poUtically, they were soon broken ; 
rehgiously, they suffered the fires of persecution, and 
with diminished numbers, maintained the purity of 
their faith and excellency of their practice as a church. 
By consent of the Queen regent, a political assem- 
bly of the Huguenots was held in May, 1611. It was 
called for Chastellerault ; the Duke De Bouillon pre- 
vailed to have the place of meeting changed to Sau- 
mur. The memljers disagreed in their choice of Pre- 
sident. Some wished to put Sully, the financier and 
counsellor to the Queen, in the chair ; others con- 
tended strongly for Bouillon. In the event, the choice 
fell on Du Plessis Mornay, a man of great integrity, 
firmness, and ability. The debates in this were vio- 
lent, and protracted through four months. The great 
subject of discussion was, the contraction^ and conse- 
quent administrate of the Edict of ;N"antes. Bouil- 
lon, with Lesdiguieres, headed a ])arty which took to 
itself the name of judicious. They contended that 
the Edict should be administered strictly as it was re- 
corded. By this construction, no [)olitical assemblies 
were allowed. If any were called, it must be by con- 
sent of the King, from time to time obtained for a 
}>arti('ular cnuu-geucy. J)u Plessis, Snlly, and his 
son-in-law, Pohaii, contcn<le(l it should be coiistrned 
and administered according to the declared will and 
permission of llemy IV., who had granted it. They 
contended that the Huguenots had been in the habit 
of political meetings, large and small, from the year 


1560 ; and though permission for holding them was 
not granted in the Edict, yet Henry had permitted 
them to be held for the purpose of choosing deputies 
to reside at court, to make known their grievances 
and desires, and to decide upon the conduct of their 
deputies ; and that the custom of the King's reign 
was equal in force to an Edict in such a matter. This 
party was designated by its opponents as the zealous 
or unreasonable. This was a vital question. Bouil- 
lon was anxious to have a place at court, and appears 
to have thought that Sully, by his sustaining the King 
in his change of religion, had gained his great influ- 
ence at court ; and not to have understood that the 
great financial abilities of Sully had given his specious 
council to the King all its weight. Bouillon had pro- 
mised the Queen regent to use all his influence with 
the Huguenots in her favour, expecting to be the ac- 
credited means of communication between her and 
them. It may have appeared to him most judicious 
to cast all their pohtical privileges and power into the 
hands of the court. And it also may have been that 
had the whole Huguenot body persisted in the opin- 
ions of the zealous, their final ruin would have been 
only delayed, not prevented. In their union had been 
their strength in gaining the crown for the Bourbons ; 
in their union had been their strength in obtaining the 
E<Hct of Nantes from Henry IV.; in their union had 
been their strength in obtaining from the King that 
construction which had l)ecn the custom of his reign ; 
and in their union was their strength now under the 
Queen regent, who felt their power when united, and 
was ready to take all advantage of any discord. In 


most things the Zealous prevailed in the assemhly ; in 
one thing the Judicious carried the vote. Instead of 
appohitlug two delegates to attend at court, it was de- 
termined by this assembly that six persons should be 
nominated for that office, out of whom the King 
should choose two. The appcnnting power was thus 
essentially in the hands of the King ; put there by 
the Huguenots themselves. Henry had proposed such 
a measure ; and the Huguenots had refused it. 

While acting as President of this assembly, the 
great work for which he had long been making pre- 
paration, was given to the public by Du Plessls, in a 
folio volume with plates. It was entitled the Mystery 
of Iniquity. In this volume the passages about anti- 
Christ in the Revelation, are interpreted to mean the 
Pope of Pome. The numerals mentioned in the last 
verse of the 13th chajttcr of the Povelatlon, as 
amounting to six hundred and sixty and six, are de- 
ciphered according to the Roman numeral letters, and 
the name of the reigning Roman Pontiff, Pope Paul 
v., and mark him as the personification of anti-Christ. 
The book had a wide circulation among the Hugue- 
nots. The Romanists never forgave the author. 

On the 14th of May, 1612, the Twentieth National 
Synod commenced its sessions at Prlvos in Vivaretz. 
Daniel Chamler presided. 

A solemn oath was drawn up and subscril)cd by all 
the members to maintain inviolable the Confession of 
Faith of the Reformed Churches in Franc^e, and also 
the ecclesiastical discipline of the same. And it was 
made a standing rule that the deputies, before the 
moderator is chosen, ** shall swear by the Eternal 


God, that they have not, m their own persons, nor do 
they know that any other for them, or that any of 
then* colleagues, have craftily or by any undue means 
and underhand dealings procured his or their deputa- 

A form was drawn up for all pastors in actual ser- 
vice, and for all candidates, to sign : * ' That union in 
doctrine may be preserved among us, and no errors 
may be sulfered to creep into our churches, all pastors 
in actual service, and all candidates who are to be re- 
ceived into the ministry, shall sign the following arti- 
cle, viz : I, whose name is here under-written, do re- 
ceive and approve the contents of the Confession of 
Faith of the Keformed Churches of this kingdom ; 
and about the sense of the 18th article, I declare and 
protest before God that I understand it, that our Lord 
Jesus Christ was obedient to the moral and ceremo- 
nial law, not only for our good, but in our stead ; and 
that His whole ol^edience, yielded by Him thereunto, 
is imjaited to us ; and that our justification consists, 
not only in the forgiveness of sins, but also in the 
imputation of His active righteousness ; and, subject- 
ing myself unto the word of God, I believe that the 
Son of Man came to serve, and that He was not a 
servant because Pie came into the world." Then fol- 
lows the promise of holding to the faith, and of obe- 
dience to the i^ational Synod. 

On the subject of marriage vows, the Synod made 
a distinction between promises of marriage to be con- 
summated at a future time, and promises to be con- 
summated at the time of promising ; and at the same 
time, they declared that the promises for future con- 


summation were not to be sot aside without *'ver}' 
great and lawful causes." 

It was ordered that there be sixteen Provincial Sy- 
nods : 1st. Isle of France ; 2d. Normandy ; 3d. Brit- 
tany; 4th. Berry; 5th. Anjou; 6th. Foictou ; 7th. 
Xantoigne ; 8th. Lower Guyenne ; 9th. Higher Lan- 
guedoc; 10th. Beam; 11th. Lower Languedoc ; 12th. 
Province; 13th. Dauphiny ; 14th. Sevennes ; 15th. 
Vivaretz ; 16th. Burgundy. 

It being requested that some course might be pur- 
sued to prevent the violation of that canon made at 
St. Maixant, which forbids all professors hi divinity 
to intermeddle with pohtical assemblies ; this Synod 
ordaineth that it be punctually observed ; and in case 
any professors do accept of such deputation, whoever 
they shall be, they shall be punished with suspension 
from the professorship for the space of six months. 

The course the Queen regent and the King intended 
to pursue with the Huguenots, after the success in 
dividing tliem at their last national assembly at Sau- 
nmr, is foreshadowed by the Edict they sent into the 
National Synod, and dated 24th of April, 1612. In 
this Edict, the King first grants pardon to all his sub- 
jects of the ** Pretended Reformed rehgion" who 
had met in provincial assemblies without his Majesty's 
special commission, since the National Assembly held 
by his permission at Saumur ; and then proceeds: 
<*We have prohibited, and do prohibit and forbid all 
those our said subjects, of the said religion, for the 
future, to make any congregations or assemblies, 
without first having got our royal license and permis- 
sion expressly to this purpose, upon pain of being 


punished as breakers of our Edicts and disturbers of 
the public peace. However, we do give them full 
liberty of holding their Consistories, Colloquies, and 
I^rovincial and JSTational Synods, as liath been for- 
merly granted to them, but with this condition, tliat 
they admit none other persons into them but minis- 
ters and elders, to treat of their doctrine and church 
discipline, upon pain of losing their privilege to hold 
these assemblies, and on all moderators of answering 
for it in their private and personal capacities." 

To this Edict of pardon, the Synod replied by a 
solemn protest, asserting that the Reformed had com- 
mitted no crimes for wliich such an Edict was re- 
quired ; and that as the Synod had not petitioned for 
pardon, the members would never make use of it. 

Having divided the National Assembly, the court 
now, by this Edict, began the work of making a sep- 
aration between the Synod and the National Assem- 
bly. The Synod had carefully guarded against trans- 
acting civil business in the Synodical meetings, and 
opposed any interference, by any persons whatever, in 
the proper business of Synod. The Edict was a warn- 
ing not to do things the Synod never intended, or 
wished, or was likely ever to do ; and to show the 
Huguenots that as the political meetings were not ex- 
pressly permitted in the Edict of Nantes, but on the 
contrary forbidden, he should not consider the custom 
of his father through his reign of permitting these 
assemblies as having any force of law or permanent 
custom. The Synod had given no occasion for any 
such expression to it, by Edict or otherwise. The de- 
sign of depriving the Huguenots of their political pri- 


vilcges by duplicity, fraud, and violence, was now evi- 
dently a matter of settled policy. 

The Synod exhorted the Provincial Synod to col- 
lect carefully the history of those ministers and other 
Christians, who, in these last times, have suffered for 
the truths of the Son of God ; and to transmit such 
memoirs as they collect to Geneva, that they may be 
inserted into the book of mart}Ts in the course of pre- 
paration. Also, that great attention be paid to the 
manner of preaching, that it be orthodox and in plain 
language. Also, tliat a day of fasting extraordinary 
be held on account of the divisions of a political na- 
ture that had sprung up among the Huguenots ; and 
the irreligion prevailing at large. Also, requesting 
Monsieur Chamier to print immediately his controver- 
sial writings in three volumes; and two thousand 
hvres were given for meeting his great expenses in 
preparing the volumes. Also, a letter was ordered to 
be sent to the Duchess of Tremauille, thanking her 
for her efforts for the preservation of union among 
the Huguenots ; and also for the manner in which she 
brought up her children. 

This same Twentieth National Synod, composed of 
thirty pastors and twenty-nine elders, the thirtieth 
having been detained by si(^kness, profoundly dis- 
tressed by the forebodings of evil to come from the 
political dissensions among the Huguenots, which 
commenced at their meeting at Saumur, drew up, at 
length, an act of union, in which they say, ** and all 
persons are exhorted to labour that the memory of 
past matters be buried in oblivion ; that so the seve- 
ral humours and different opinions risen up in the as- 


Bembly of Saumnr, may be balanced and composed 
and allayed ; tliat the general desire of the Keformed 
Churches is that the aflections of those who have 
been alienated from each other should be united and 
cemented. The Synod further determined that letters 
be written to Bouillon and Lesdeguieres, exhorting 
and adjuring them in the name of God, that they re- 
sign their resentments ; letters also to be written to 
Chatillon, Rohan, Sully, Soubrize, La Force, and Du 
Plessis, that they quit and forego their own particular 
resentments and discontents. And it shall be pro- 
tested to all and every one of those lords, in the name 
and behalf of our churches, in the letters directed to 
them, of our intention and resolution to consider, 
honour, and value them according to their families, 
qualities, dignities and merits, as being the most hon- 
ourable members of our body." Moreover, this as- 
sembly entreateth and exhorteth that for God's sake, 
and the glory of His great name, and for their own 
salvation, and for the peace and welfare of the nation, 
yea, it adjures by all that is desirable or commenda- 
ble, the whole body of our communion, in general, 
and every faithful soul in particular, to divest them- 
selves of all animosities whatever, and to lop off im- 
mediately all dissolutions and dissensions, lest they 
should be the cause of the dissipation of the churches 
of God, in this kingdom, which have been planted in 
the blood of infinite martyrs, and preserved by the 
great zeal and concord of our fathers ; and that they 
would at length open their eyes and see and consider 
that the enemies of the church build all their designs 
of ruining us upon our own intestine dissensions, and 


that bj reason of these, we are become very little and 
exceeding despicable with onr adversaries." Pastors 
and elders are *' enjoined to use all means in their 
power, even the severe censures of the church, to 
prevent any divisions in the Reformed as a body." 

This Synod, having bound themselves in the most 
solemn manner to hold to the Confession of Faith and 
Discipline ; and having addressed these solemn ap- 
peals to their political leaders, and the Huguenots in 
general to maintain a general union for the peace and 
safety of the whole body and nation at large ; pro- 
ceeded to remove, as far as possi])le, all causes of 
offence and irregularities in application to the King 
for redress and assistance, and required that all mat- 
ters to be presented to the King should be put into 
the hands of the general deputies at court, and be by 
them presented in the ordinary way: And then ad- 

It appears there were, at this time, six universities 
in operation, and preparations were making for others; 
that there were fourteen colleges established, and pre- 
parations, under the approbation of Synod, were 
making for others. All were under the oversight of 
the National Synod, and give a testimony for the Re- 
formed in the early part of the reign of Louis XIII. , 
that they were both friends and patrons of learning in 
general, and in the ministry in particular ; and true 

While the Huguenots were indulging in divisions 
in their political assembly, and their National Synod 
was putting forth all its eftbrts of warning and en- 
treaty to promote peace, not only among the churches 


as such, but the whole body as a political association, 
the Queen regent was negotiating with the Pope, and 
by his aid, with the King of Spain, a double mar- 
riage, uniting her court with the deceased King's 
great enemy. The young King was to espouse the 
Infanta of Spain, by name Anne of Austria, and the 
Prince of Asturias, the eldest son of the King of 
Spain, was to receive as a wife the eldest sister of the 
King of France. The court of France was now un- 
der the influence of the Pope of Rome and the King 
of Spain, and more particularly governed by the two 
Italian favourites. Among the prominent persons at 
court, and of those whose influence was felt in poli- 
tics, there was not a single friend of the Reformed 
Church as a church, or the Huguenots as a body. 
Sully was making his preparations for private life ; 
Lesdegurieres negotiating for a post of honour and 
profit to be secured by his abjuration ; and Bouillon 
was beguiled with hopes by the artful Queen. 

The nobles of the Romish Church were satisfied 
with the general politics of the court. All parties 
were indignant that the favours and honours were en- 
grossed and disposed of by the two Italian favourites. 
For a time, the murmurs were suppressed by hope of 
some change to their advantage, and by fear lest some 
rival should gain that advantage. The favourite alone 
went on boldly and successfully. In the year 1613, 
Cond6, a political leader of the Huguenots and a 
prince of the blood, demanded a position of influence 
at the court of his young relative, as his by right of 
descent. Other nobles, both Huguenot and Romish 
in their faith, made a similar demand, as Frenchmen, 


ill opposition to the foreign fiivouritcs. The Queen 
regent endeavoured to gratify the aspirants for power 
and wealth, l)y a prodigal use of the treasures and 
financial preparations of the late King ; at the same 
time retaining her favourites with increased marks of 
her favour. The intrigues of the court at home and 
abroad may fill some pages in the history of courts, 
and impress one truth, that duplicity and fraud bring 
their own reward ; and that the pleasures of a dissi- 
pated court end in sadness of heart. 

Under the influence of the Pope and the King of 
Spain, the politics, or the designs and wishes of the 
court were settled. Personally, the Queen regent, 
and King, and their favourites, were resolved to en- 
joy the pleasures of uni-estrained indulgence, pur- 
chased by a vast income from the well-regulated 
finances. Publicly, or for matters concerning the 
management of the nation, it was evidently the de- 
sign of the Pope, the Spanish King, and the French 
court, to root out all o[>])osition to, or dissent from, 
the Romish Church and the Pope as head of the 
church, and to establish the absolute authority of tlie 
King over all nobles, provinces, cities, or towns, whe- 
ther Ivomish or Huguenot. And to accomplish these 
ends, duplicity, fraud, and violence, might be used to 
any extent required. Everything that might aid in 
bringing France to be the beau ideal of a kingdom in 
the eyes of the Pope and of Spain were considered 
lawful. They chose an end, absolute sway in Church 
and State ; pronounced it good ; an end that would 
sanctity the means that should lead to it. The man 
that should reduce to order the designs and plans in- 


volved in these schemes was not yet even thought of 
by the French court ; and though growing up in the 
Church of Rome, not known to the Pope himself. 

The spirit of the Twenty-First National Synod, as- 
sembled. May 2d, 1614, at Tonniers, in Lower Gui- 
enne, is of especial interest to all that look back 
through history for examples of good or ill, for warn- 
ing or encouragement. This Synod, in comparison 
with other public bodies that met in France, or else- 
where, about this time, manifested a si)irit of une- 
qualled excellence, a spirit of peace aiid good will to 
all the various political or religious associations in 
France or in Europe. This Synod aimed at two 
things, unity of action among the Keformed in France, 
and agreement in doctrine among all the Protestant 
churches of Europe. Never before or since was she 
in a position more favoural)le for efficient action, or 
one in which the spirit and temper of the church 
would be more likely to be revealed. 

Letters were received from the Dukes Eohan and 
Sully, and the Lord Du Plessis and • Chatillon, in re- 
ply to those sent them by the last Synod, expressing 
their attachment to the faith and discipline of the Re- 
formed Churches, and their concurrence with the 
efforts of Synod for harmony of doctrine in the 
churches, and also the necessity of harmony on all 
subjects, Ijoth rehgious and political, in the whole 
body of the Reformed in France. 

A letter was received from James I. of England, 
urging concert of action upon the whole body of the 
Reformed, and inviting them to union with him and 
the Protestants generally for a common confession of 


belief and unity of religious practice. To this a kind 
answer was returned. The letter from King James 
was submitted to the inspection of Louis to allay his 
fears of a correspondence with a foreign prince. 

The subject of a conference with the Protestant 
churches abroad, and a plan of religious union, were 
taken up and discussed at large. The conference was 
agreed to, and a plan of union, with its details, was 
under consideration. No difficulty was anticipated, 
except from the Lutherans ; and with them, only on 
the subject of the sacrament. It was thought all 
might be united in a formula of faith except the 
Pope; and his objections would be confined to his 
supremacy and the sacraments and traditions. But 
they thought it might be demonstrated to him that 
there was agreement on some articles of faith ; union 
with him, however, was not expected or desired. Li 
the discussions on the union with foreign churches, 
benevolence rather than sagacity took the lead. All 
things favourable to the union were looked at, and 
those unfavourable were overlooked. The temper of 
the French Synod was peace with all true Christian 
churches, and union on all important matters with 
foreign churches, and concert of action at home 
among the Reformed. 

The difficulties in the way of a foreign union soon 
became apparent and insurmountable, and the project 
was abandoned. The difficulties were, the tenacity 
with which the characteristics of the churches of dif- 
ferent nations were held, quite disproportioned to their 
imi)ortance ; the jealousy with which the civil rulers 
of the difterent nations looked upon the union of the 


church in their own dominions with the churches of 
other nations, fearing some political connection ; and 
lastly, no great object for mutual action was presented 
to the churches to be accomplished by this visible 
union, such as the wider circulation of the Bible and 
missions to the heathen. The visible union of 
churches of different States was found to consist in 
the harmony of their confessions of faith, the purity 
of their discipline, and their godly living ; in agree- 
ment without uniformity ; in mutual forbearance ; and 
in submission of conscience to the word of God un- 
derstood according to the rules of language and com- 
pared with other parts of the Scriptures. In the con- 
ferences held on this subject, and in the discussions, 
the French churches exhibited a spirit of kindness and 
conciliation. But finding that close intercourse with 
foreign churches was a cause of suspicion with their 
own government, the ministers that, in their benevo- 
lence, could embrace all Christians, were constrained, 
from motives of prudence, to correspond with foreign 
churches in a very general way; and ultimately to 
relinquish it altogether. Private correspondence con- 

Eespecting their allegiance to the King, the Synod 
declared, "that there is an indispensable necessity for 
imploring the good blessing of God upon the begin- 
ning and progress of the King's personal government, 
who will shortly be declared major, and that the pub- 
lic weal of the State may be promoted, the peace and 
union of our churches may be more firmly estab- 
lished, that therefore we be called out to celebrate a 
pubhc fast in all the churches of this kingdom." 


Accordingly, the 4th day of September was ap- 
pointed to be ol)served as a day of soleran prayer, 
linniiliation and fasting. 

A political assembly of the Huguenots was, by per- 
mission of the King, called to meet at Greenoble on 
the 25th of August, 1614, about three months after 
the meeting of their National Synod. Against the 
will of the King, the Assembly transferred itself to 
Nismes. The inthience of the Duke of Conde pre- 
vailed to give the transactions of this body a hostile 
appearance. He evidently wislied to renew and aug- 
ment his influence at court by the strength of the Re- 
formed as a political party, while the Huguenots, as a 
Christian people, were striving to prevent all coUision 
with the court on any pretext. Cond^, in estimating 
the power of the Huguenots in the contest for the 
succession that ended in bringing the Bourbons to the 
throne, appears to have overlooked tbe fact, that the 
leader of the Ilugaenots, in the war with Catharine 
de Medici and the League, was the King of Navarre, 
and that at the close of the wars, he was Henry IV., 
King of France ; and that the present King, Louis 
XIII. , was his son and the lawful King of France, so 
acknowledged by the Reformed; that there was no 
contest now about who should succeed tbe present 
King ; and any violence against him now by any part 
of the Huguenots would rebound to the injury of all 
and the whole nation ; and that if there were appre- 
hensions of a failure of that line of the Bourbons, 
there must first be an union of the Huguenots on the 
person to succeed him, before their force could be of 
any effect. In case of a contest for a successor to the 


crown from another line, the united body of the Hu- 
guenots would have great, and probably decided influ- 
ence, particularly if those opposed to their cause were 
not entirely united on an opposing candidate. Cond6 
appears to have had little regard to the religious inte- 
rests of the Reformed. He sought his own advance- 
ment ; and the public good in subservience to it. 

The Assembly at Nismes did nothing to conciliate 
the King or insure the union of the Huguenots in po- 
litical matters. As yet there was no cause for war ; 
the court abstained from that. The fact of foreign 
favourites at court, and many provocations given to 
the Eeformed, were grievances to be borne or reme- 
died by other means than Conde proposed. He was 
not the man to Ije chosen by the Huguenots as their 
leader, or in any emergency as their King. 

The States General of France were assembled on 
the 25th of October, 1G14. There was no leader in 
opposition to the court of ability to lead in measures 
to change the course of affairs so far as to remove the 
obnoxious favourites, Concinni and his wife. They 
did nothing to harmonize the nobles or satisfy the 
court. Louis XHI. never called another meeting. 
Louis XIV never submitted anything to their judg- 
ment and decision. Louis XV. followed his exam- 
ple. Louis XYL, the fifth of the Bourbon line, 
called a meeting ; and in the event w^as consigned to 
the guillotine. 

As anticipated by the Synod, the King was declared 
by Parliament to have attained his majority at the age 
of fourteen. The regency now ceased. The King, in 
assuming the government, retained the obnoxious fa- 


vourite. The Edict of JSTantes was solemnly confirmed 
as a mark of favour to the Reformed. The nobles of 
all rank did not fail to ex[>ress tlieir disapprobation of 
the fiivourites. Political matters were in confusion ; 
and the dissipation at court was on the increase. The 
Kiuii' consummated his marriage with Anne of Aus- 
tria, the infanta of Spain, marching with an armed 
force to the borders of his kingdom to receive his 
bride ; and contracting a great dislike to the Re- 
formed, through whose provinces he passed to meet 
his Queen. Condc^, for his open discontent, was con- 
fined in the Bastile, and many nobles retired from 

In 1617, a sudden revolution took place. The 
King became enamoured of a new favourite by name 
of Luinnes, and ordered the arrest of the obnoxious 
old one. Concinni resisted the officers, and was im- 
mediately slain. The Queen regent was confined to 
her apartment, and then banished to Blois. Galligai, 
the female favourite, had a trial, and was condemned 
and executed for treason. **IIer only means of in- 
fluence," she said, *' over the Queen regent was that 
which a strong mind has over a weak one." 

On the 18th of the May following the revolution 
so unexpected and complete, the Twenty-Second Na- 
tional Synod of the Reformed commenced its sessions 
at Vitre, in Brittany. Andrew Rcvit presided. 

Immediately on its organization, a committee was 
appointed to wait on the King to congratulate him for 
the late revolution ; that the kingdom was in peace, 
and his Majesty at liberty ; that France had now a 
King worthy to reign. The committee promised alle- 


glance in tlie name of the Reformed Churches. They 
declared, **that next, and after God, we do acknowl- 
edge your Majesty to be our only sovereign, and it is 
an article of our creed, that there is no middle power 
between God and the Kings." 

His Majesty gave a brief answer; **Do you con- 
tinue to serve me faithfully, and you may be well as- 
sured that I will be a good and kind King unto you, 
and that I will preserve you according to my Edicts.'* 

The Synod enjoined on all churches the more fre- 
quent catechising than ever, leaving the manner of 
expounding it, '* whether sermon-wise or by question 
and answer," to the prudence of the Consistories. It 
passed a vote of thanks to Pastor Daniel Chamier for 
having now ready for the press three volumes of his 
controversial writings. An agreement was made with 
a printer at Saumur to bring out the work before the 
next fair at Frankfort. 

A donation of two thousand livres w^as made to the 
author for his great expenses in getting the work 
ready for the press. 

The General Deputy came in the sixth day of ses- 
sions, and declared that the King's letters patent **for 
exempting our ministers from payment of taxes were 
granted, but not yet verified." 

About the union of the Reformed Churches, after 
consultation, it was judged expedient ** that we should 
make a little halt till such time as those who had first 
made the overtures did prosecute the aflair with more 

It appeared that the number of pastors at this time 


in the actual service of the churches was seven hun- 
dred and thirty-one ; and six candidates. 

Pohtical affairs were now hurrying on in confusion 
and distress. The fruit of the Spanish marriages, 
the King with the Infanta, and his sister with the heir 
apparent of Spain, began to show themselves openly 
to the nation and the world. The secret treaty of 
Henry II. and Philip I. was the basis of action ; and 
the ultimate destruction of the Reformed the great 
object. The Queen mother escaped from her impri- 
sonment at Blois, by letting herself down from the 
walls into tlie ditch one dark night, with one attend- 
ant. She took her jewels with her. Her friends as- 
sembled in arms to demand for her more favourable 
terms from the favourite Luimies. 

The King released Cond6 from prison to lead his 
forces. He succeeded speedily in routing the Queen's 
forces. Terms of reconciliation were proposed. In 
this negotiation, Eichlieu, the man that acted ulti- 
mately the prominent part in giving form and force to 
the King's wishes, made his introduction to the notice 
of the King. He had been the confident of the 
Queen mother. And now, as her confidential ad- 
viser, he persuaded her to accept of terms less advan- 
tageous to herself and more favourable to her son, 
than the young King expected. It is recorded that 
Luinnes had promised that he would ask for him a 
cardinal's hat. It was some years before he had the 
management of affairs at court, and this act of treach- 
ery would not be worthy of special notice, except to 
introduce the man that succeeded in destroying the 
political privileges of the Huguenots. 


The first act of Louis XIII. against the Eeformed 
was done ostensibly upon the advice of Luinnes, his 
favourite. But the adroitness of the plan of proceed- 
ing was so like the whole course of Richlieu's life at 
court it would seem to have a common source. It 
was the first step in a series of successful eftbrts. If 
Luinnes was the author of it, he taught Richlieu the 
art of duplicity, while in the service of a deceptive 
Queen in a faithless court. Louis XIII. inherited 
from his father, besides the crown of France, the 
kingdom of his grandmother, Jean De Albert. It 
had been reduced to the narrow boundary of Bearne ; 
Navarre having been seized and retained by Spain. 
Instead of urging him to recover Navarre, as his 
father Henry had designed, he advised him to abridge 
the independent sovereignty of the little kingdom 
and govern it as a province of France. This would 
scarcely have been worthy of special notice. Con- 
nected with this change, there was to be a religious 
revolution. In the time of the mother of Henry IV., 
this kingdom had generally embraced the faith of the 
Reformed ; and the Romish forms existed by tolera- 
tion. This little State had been the refuge of the 
persecuted. Her deputies in attendance on the Na- 
tional Synod of France were permitted to bring com- 
missions, in which some promises made by delegates 
from the churches in France were omitted in conside- 
ration of the independence of Bearne, now united 
with France in the same King. These churches were 
now to be divested of their privileges ; and all the 
property once in the hands of the Romish Church, 
with the houses of worship, were to be returned to 


the possession of that cliurch, and the Eeformed 
Churches of Bearne to be put in the same position as 
the other Reformed Churches in France, dependent on 
the construction the King ndght choose to give the 
Edict of Nantes. 

This project of the King was resisted by the Par- 
hament of Paris with great vehemence. The Parha- 
ment could see plainly that if Bearne could be di- 
vested of her ancient rights, no province or city in 
France was safe. It was a step to despotic power un- 
der pretence of consohdating the kingdom. Who- 
ever projected this step projected the plan followed out 
by Louis XIII. and XIV. , till France became a cou- 
sohdated kingdom ; and nobles, Romish and Hugue- 
not, without respect to antiquity of claims or personal 
merit, were despoiled of their ancestral rights. The 
merit of the Edicts for this step were in discussion 
during the years 1618 and 1619. 

A political assembly of the Reformed was held, by 
leave of the King, at Loudon, commencing Septem- 
ber, 1619. 

The discussions were heated. It was evident that 
evil was intended for the Reformed. But the great 
question was the remedy. Bearne was the appendage 
of the crown. Who should begin the resistance to 
the King's arbitrary purposes ? All the nobles in the 
kingdom were interested. On what ground should 
resistance be made, and who should take the lead ? 
There was great division of sentiment. The usual 
bill of grievances and requests was presented. The 
King ordered the Assembly to disperse and wait for 


his answer. The Assemhly demanded an answer be- 
fore it dispersed. 

The King, irritated by the Assembly, pressed his 
designs upon Bearne ; and declared that unless his 
Edict was enrolled by Parliament, he would himself 
be present and have it done by force. He was 
obeyed. Collecting his forces, he marched for Bearne, 
declaring that neither the ruggedness of the moun- 
tains, nor the lateness of the seasons, nor the poverty 
of the country, should hinder its speedy conquest. 

The King accomplished his purpose, and the revo- 
lution was completed. Bearne became a province * 
the religion of France became its established religion, 
and all the church property changed their hands ; and 
the Reformed were reckoned as holding their tolera-: 
tion under the Edict of Nantes. 

The Twenty-Third meeting of the National Synod 
commenced its sessions at Alez, October 1st, 1620, 
while the King was yet engaged in settling the state 
of Bearne. From its records it appears to have been 
a learned, dignified, and temperate body. In calling 
for a general fast on the 14th of November, at Alez, 
where the body was in session, and the first Thursday 
of March, 1621, for the other Reformed Churches, 
the Synod make this short notice of Bearne: **The 
late doleful changes happened in the churches of 
Bearne, and in divers other churches and provinces 
united and incorporated with us, which are either ru- 
inated, or on the brink of ruin," Letters were re- 
ceived from Dukes Rohan and Lesdiguieres, the Lord 
of Chatillon, expressive of their adherence to the faith. 



Messrs. Du Maulin, Chamier, and Rivet, the commit- 
tee on union, reported that they set out on their jour- 
ney to the Synod of Dort ; but at Genoa, receiving 
intelligence that the King had forbidden their attend- 
ance, they had returned home. 

The Synod expressed its desire for peace and union, 
and the preservation of a Christian spirit in the min- 
istry, by forbidding all ministers to treat of State 
affairs in their sermons, or pul[)it discourses, * * be- 
cause the only subject of their sermons and public 
preachings should be the holy word of God," on pain 
of suspension from the holy ministry. And because 
the province of Languedoc was greatly distracted by 
mh listers at the public assemblies, the Synod *'for- 
bideth most ex].»ressly all ministers in that province, 
and all the other j)rovinces of this kingdom, to ac- 
cept of any deputations unto court." The Synod de- 
clared its wish **to prevent all pastors of churches 
from intermeddling with political affairs." All offen- 
ders to be prosecuted ** with the severest censures." 

The Articles drawn up at the Synod of Dort, from 
which Synod the delegates from France had been de- 
barred by the command of the King, were read in 
Synod ; "• and being pondered most attentively, they 
were all received and approved by a common unani- 
mous consent, as agreeing with the word of God and 
the Confession of Faith of these Keformed Churches." 
A form was drawn for all to subscribe: **I swear and 
})r()mise to persevere in the profession of this doctrine 
during my whole life, and defend it with the utmost 
of my power." The same was to be administered to 
all members of the Provincial Synods. The I^ationaJ 


Synod had all along expressed a readiness to unite 
with the other churches of Protestants in a confes- 
sion, or formula, to he held as a common bond. It 
had agreed to permit some latitude of construction in 
order to produce agreement. This Synod of Dort, 
being summoned to give an expression or formula, 
and being composed of able men from tlie Island of 
Great Britain and the continent, and having sent 
forth this formula, short and comprehensive, the Na- 
tional Synod of France adopted it as a general for- 
mula in which they could cheerfully agree, as a bond 
of union and communion, and very general expres- 
sion of the truth. 

The meeting of the National Synod at Tonnien, in 
the year 1614, had expressed a most commendable 
spirit of kindness, and readiness to meet the brethren 
of other communions. This year it expresses a spirit 
equally as commendable, of firmly avowing what it 
believed to be the truth. It was ready to defend to 
the utmost what it received in kindness as true. And 
then to aflirm its own identity, it re-affirmed its own 
longer Confession of Faith as the external bond hold- 
ing in union and fellowship the Churches of France, 
which were at this time entering into a great and 
fiery trial, which tested all men's souls of w4iat spirit 
they were, and consumed much dross. Another form 
was drawn up, embracing the Article on union of the 
whole body of the Eeformed in France. And the 
members also swore to and subscribed **the oaths of 
union, promising to continue inseparably united and 
conjoined in that Confession of Faith owned and pro- 
fessed by the Reformed Churches in this kingdom." 


This Synod girded itself for its great trial, and did 
what it could to gird and unite the whole Huguenot 
body for a great struggle and for a great sacrifice. 
And the Confession of Faith having now been read, 
word by w^ord, and examined in every particular 
point, '*was most heartily approved and sworn to by 
all the deputies present." The deputies also promiped 
"to cause it to be sworn to by their principals, by 
whom they were commissioned." The Articles of 
disciphne were tlien read carefully, and subscribed to 
by all present. 

In the laws for the universities which were, after 
consideration for years, adopted at this meeting, it 
was required that, if pi-acticable, there be two profes- 
sors of theology ; one to teach common -place or sys- 
tematical theology, and the other to expound Scrip- 
ture ; and if possible, there should be two professors 
to expound Scripture, one the Old Testament and the 
other the New Testament. The whole body of rules 
for theological seminaries arc worthy of the closest 
attention of all who direct such schools. 

This Synod also determined that a pastor might 
teach Hebrew, but not teach Greek ; for in teaching 
Hebrew, he must use the Scriptures ; but in teaching 
Greek, there would be the use of a great multitude 
of profane authors, which would draw off the mind 
from the work of a pastor. 

The Prince of Orange, the Curators of the Univer- 
sity of Leyden, and the Burgomaster of the city, by 
letters asked that Monsieur Rivet might be continued 
as professor in the University of Leyden. Leave was 
granted to him to remain for two years. Thanking 


Monsieur Perrin for his work on the history of the 
Vaudois and Albigenses ; leaving it to his discretion 
whether he would write a general history of the 
Church ; and exhorting the Province of Dauphiny to 
see to the education of his son who was reclaimed 
from the Jesuits and was preparing for the ministry, 
the Synod adjourned December 2nd, 1620, having 
been in session more than two months. Turretine, 
pastor and professor of divinity at Geneva, was pres- 
ent at this meeting, and was invited to a seat and a 
vote. lie brought letters from Geneva to the 

The inhabitants of Bearne took advantage of the 
gentleness and favour of La Force, who had been left 
to carry into effect the King's intention about the 
province, and resumed the possession of their church 
edifices falling to ruin for want of occupation, and re- 
claimed their church property for their pastors. En- 
couraged by the spirit of the political assembly at 
Loudon, which had continued its sessions against the 
repeated orders of the King, until April of 1620, the 
Bearnoese were proceeding to resume their ancient 
rights. The King sent the Duke De Esperon for their 
reduction. The courage of the Bearneose was by no 
means equal to their presumption ; and the Duke in 
two months entirely overrun the country, and without 
bloodshed, and almost without opposition, subdued in 
their fortresses and holds, **a people that knew not 
how to resist nor how to obey." 

The political assembly of the Huguenots, that had 
met at Loudon, at the close of their long session, de- 
termined not to dissolve their meetings or adjourn 


sine die^ but adjourned to meet again when called, 
assembled at Roclielle on the 24th of December. 

The Assembly lield numerous sessions ; the debates 
earnest, and sometimes violent ; the subjects of dis- 
cussion of the deepest interest. The members equal- 
led in boldness and decision the members of the Na- 
tional Synod that adjourned on the 2d of the month ; 
but fell far short of them in moderation and states- 
manship. Luinnes, the favourite, was supposed to 
be the author of the councils against Bearne. If he 
could be successfully resisted and driven from tlje 
court, there was hope for better councils and the quiet 
enjoyment of their rights. The Assembly did not 
know any more clearly than the National Synod, the 
true source of the policy against them, that it was to 
be found in the Pope and the King of Spain and the 
ecclesiastics of France ; but the political asseml)ly did 
not seem to know as well as the Synod the l)est way 
to meet the difhculties of their case. The great ques- 
tion was on what ground and under whom they should 
rally. . Louis XIII. was the rightful King ; there was 
no pretender to the throne ; the Romish nobles were 
as much interested as the Reformed in resisting the 
subjugation of Bearne on all grounds but the religious 
one. Some of the Assembly were for taking arms 
in the name of the Reformed as a body, without re- 
ilectingthat the body, strong if united, was not united; 
and that if they took the lead, the Romish nobles 
would not readily follow, if happily they did not op- 

Du Plcssis, wise in council as in the days of Henry 
IV., politically and religiously a devoted Huguenot, 


unsuspicious and unsuspected, unfaltering in his prin- 
ciples and course of action, was at this time opposed 
to violent action. He thought the time had not come 
for the Huguenots to take arms for the rights of the 
nobles of the Eomish faith unless they showed a spirit 
to take the lead. Bouillon, a Huguenot by education 
and habit, and to a great degree by conviction, but 
not very scrupulous, strongly opposed taking arms. 
He was one that favoured strict construction of the 
Edict of Nantes ; and thought to be desirous of court 
favour. Lesdiguieres, the old soldier, was opposed to 
violent measures as impolitic at this time, particularly 
as other measures might induce the King to change 
his course. 

To these it was replied that Du Plessis was timid 
through age and infirmity ; that Bouillon was swayed 
by interest and ambition, and that Lesdiguieres was 
more cautious than in his younger days, and that a 
Marshal's baton was held up to glitter in his eyes as 
the gift of Majesty. 

The Assembly determined to prepare for war, by 
raising an army, levying taxes, and choosing com- 
manders. Bouillon was chosen the leader, or first in 
command ; next was Lesdiguieres ; and so on through 
a list of able men. Could the Reformed have been 
unanimous, they would have been a formidable body. 
The Kmg calculated on the division. He had already 
gained Conde ; and lures were held out to Bouil- 
lon and Lesdiguieres ; he knew they would not fight 
him then, though no noble in France had greater 
cause to tremble for his little sovereignty. When the 
Assembly asked of the King to allow theni the privi^ 


leges confirmed to them by bis predecessors, Ilenry 

III. and Henry IV. , tbat is, would be allow tbe free 
construction of tbe Edict of l^antes tbat Henry IV. 
gave it, be, irritated by tbeir bolding tbis meeting 
against bis wisbes, said : ''Tbe one acted out of fear, 
and tbe otber out of love ; but for my part, I wisb 
you to know I neitber love nor fear you." 

Tbe favourite Luinnes, encouraged by tbe ra})idity 
and success of bis movements against Bearne, pro- 
posed to tbe King to take tbe cautionary towns from 
tbe Reformed tbe Edict of Nantes bad given tbem 
for eigbt years ; and at tbe end of tbat time Henry 

IV. bad permitted tbem to remain in tbe bands of 
tbe Huguenots at tbeir earnest request, witb tbe ver- 
bal promise tbat tbey sbould remain indefinitely, at 
bis pleasure. 

Tbe young men at court, longing for promotion 
and aggrandizement, and expecting an easy conquest, 
urged on tbe project : tbe Romisb clergy greatly de- 
sired its accomplisbment ; and tbe Spanisb influence 
at court ap[>rovcd it. Tbe reasoning was sbort ; tbe 
Edict of Nantes bad been coniirmed by Louis XIH. ; 
and of course tbere was now no need of tbe caution- 
ary towns after more tban twice tbe time of tbeir lim- 
itation bas expired ; and tbe possession of tbem by 
tbe Huguenots, now no longer required by law or 
usage, was tbe means of resisting tbe King's govern- 
ment, and consequently tbey sbould be taken back by 
tbe crown. Tbe King approved tbe plan. Leaving 
Paris early in April, 1621, be issued from Fontain- 
bleau a new declaration against tbe meeting at Ro- 
cbellc as rebellious ; amiounced bis purpose of visit- 


ing the disturbed provinces, and promised protection 
to all the Reformed who kept their allegiance. Les- 
diguieres took the part of Lieutenant under the fa- 
vourite, who held the office of Constable, without 
having been trained to war or having seen a battle, 
and prepared to fight his old associates, whether for 
conscience' sake or a Marshall's position, and put 
down the faith he once professed and had so lately re- 
professed to the Synod. 

The Huguenot Assembly prepared to meet the 
King's army ; and appointed Saubise, La Tremouille, 
Rohan, Chatillon, La Force and his two sons as com- 
manders, reserving to itself the paramount authority. 
To its commissions and its ordinances it afifixed a seal. 
On their banners were the words, *^For Christ and 
the King," and ** For Christ and His Flock ;" pro- 
claiming their old principle, that Christ was the high- 
est King and claimed allegiance first ; that they owed 
allegiance next to the King ; that the w^ar was for the 
flock of Christ and against a tyrannical Minister, and 
not against their King ; and to change the Ministry 
and not the King. 

Bouillon refused to command. He advised the 
Assembly, if war was intended, and the cautionary 
towns to be defended by arms, to proceed immedi- 
ately and put a garrison of six thousand men in Sau- 
mur, the stronghold of Du Plessis on the Loire. That 
by so doing they would prevent the war altogether, as 
the King would not advance upon the Southern pro- 
vinces with that stronghold in his rear ; or it would 
change the theatre and whole face of the war. For 
some unexplained reason this advice was neglected. 


Spies in the Assembly reported to Luinnes this coun- 
sel ; and the King's forces began to move towards the 

It had been the custom, when the King visited a 
cautionary town, for the forces of the town to be with- 
drawn from the citadel and be encamped in the sub- 
urbs while his Majesty was in the place. On his de- 
parture, the forces returned to the citadel and resumed 
the protection of the town. While in possession of 
the citadel, the King received the most splendid en- 
tertainment the citizens could give. Tlie King came 
to the walls of Saumur. Luinnes, the favourite and 
Constable, gave Du Plessis assurance that the immu- 
nities of the town should be preserved inviolate by 
this visit of the Kiuo-'s forces. Lesdiofuieres, the 
Lieutenant and old acquaintance of Du Plessis, and 
as yet one of the Huguenots in profession, gave as- 
surances to the same effect, that the visit was short, 
and the immunities were all safe. The King himself 
sent him assurances of the safety of the tow^n and the 
peaceable nature of his visit. What should he do ? 
Should he shut the gates and begin the war? or 
should he trust his sovereign ? Incapable of decep- 
tion liimself, he chose to trust the sovereign and the 
court officers. Tie withdrew his forces from the cas- 
tle and encamped them near the town. On the 17th 
of May, the royal train entered the town ; and under 
pretext that there w^as no place large enough in the 
town for their convenience, did the unusual thing of 
taking possession of the citadel. Not a single apart- 
ment was left for Du Plessis. In a short time his 
Cabinet was ransacked for his pa])ers : his library was 


plundered ; the silver clasps on a splendid edition of 
his own works were torn from the volumes ; and 
some of his works cast into the castle ditch. Da 
Plessis was overwhelmed with astonishment at the re- 
ports brought him of the plunder of his private rooms. 
When it was announced to him that the King would 
retain Saumur as a miUtary post for himself, and that 
his private losses should be remmierated : that the ar- 
rears due him as commander of the post should all be 
paid immediately ; that one hundred thousand crowns 
should be added ; and that he should have the baton 
of Marshal of the kingdom ; the old nian exclaimed, 
*' Never was I assailed by a bribe. Had I loved mo- 
ney, I might have been in possession of millions. 
And as for honours, I was always more solicitous to 
deserve them than eager to obtain them. Neither in 
honour or in conscience can I sell the liberty and se- 
curity of others. I will never bargain with my sove- 
reign. I am always ready to render him becoming 
obedience. All I demand is adherence to the promises 
which it has been the King's pleasure to otter, that he 
will make no changes in Saumur ; a matter no less 
important to the King's private interest than to the 
welfare of the kingdom." 

The King determined to retain Saumur. A garri- 
son was left in the citadel ; Du Plessis was compelled 
to retire. The remainder of his days he passed in 
privacy and comparative poverty, and came to his end 
November 11th, 1623, in his 74th year, in about two 
years and a half from this disgrace and mortification, 
that the man who first trusted his Majesty should be 
the first to be ruined. 

242 THi: SiJGuHNOTS, on 

The Constable had promised him about the castle 
*Hhat he would touch it no sooner than the apple of 
his own eye ;" the King had repeated it after him, 
that ''he would touch the castle no sooner than the 
apple of his own eye." And yet they had deceived 
him. The young King had never known an honest 
counsellor since he took the reins of government. 
His mother had deceived him from a child; and 
taught him to deceive. He loathed his teachers as 
wearisome and deceptive. His court practiced all 
impurity under the names of gallantry and virtue. 
All had conspired to make him willful and faithless. 
He rejoiced in deceiving by gross falsehood an honest 
old soldier and counsellor whom his father had hon- 
oured. Du riessis died as he had lived, an honest 
and brave man. In writing to a friend, he says : 
**0n all occasions I have endeavoured to commit my- 
self to God in well-doing ; and if I have not the art 
of living for the world as well as some others, I have 
laboured earnestly to know how to die becomingly. " 
His desire was granted. He had held the Huguenot 
faith all his active life, through all discouragements ; 
discreet in the Cabinet of Henry TV.; brave in the 
field ; pure in his morals. His honest rebukes gained 
him the honour of his King ; the honesty of his heart, 
and unwillingness to doubt the honour of Louis XIH., 
lost him his castle, and for a time his honour. The 
inventory of his estate, after his death, silenced all 
the calumnies that had been circulated of him, that 
he had delivered up Saumur for a consideration. He 
had impoverished himself for others; and after his 
death men blessed him for his self-sacrifice. Next to 


Coligny the Admiral stands Du I'lessis Mom ay in 
the ranks of the honourable of the Huguenot dead. 
There is no stain upon his memory. Some have 
thought that he failed in his statesmanship in believ- 
ing the King and admitting him to Saumur, as the 
Constable believed Charles IX. and his mother, and 
was entrapped in Paris ; and yet, in both cases, the 
principles on which the men acted were sound. There 
was nothing to set up as true in opposition to the pro- 
testations and oaths of the sovereign. Had there 
been anything reliable to oiler, as opposed to the oaths 
of Majesty, then their statesmanship might be ques- 
tioned. As it is, their position is safe for all time. 
They acted on principles of truth and honour. The 
honour of both put them in the power of their sove- 
reigns, and contrary to all right, that power was used 
for their destruction. We admire Coligny and Du 
Plessis : we abominate Luinnes and Louis XIII. It 
is safe following Cohgny and Du Plessis forever. It 
is not safe to follow Louis XIII. for any period of 

Having perfidiously accomplished his purpose at 
Saumur, the King passed on through Poictou and the 
provinces farther South, sending forth his proclama- 
tions declaring Rochelle, where the political assembly 
was in session, and St. Jean De Angely, where Duke 
Saubize was collecting armed forces, to be in rebel- 
lion. All their privileges were annulled, and all in- 
tercourse forbidden ; and all Huguenots were called 
on to renounce, before a magistrate, the Acts of the 
Assembly, and to declare their readiness to serve 
against it, at the King's bidding. The cautionary 


towns in liis path were called upon to open tlieir gates 
as Saunaur bad done ; and whether deceived, as Du 
Plessis had been, or through fear or a desire to gain 
favour of the court, the gates were opened and the 
citadels surrendered. As a reward, all the military 
defences were destroyed. Srdly, the favourite minis- 
ter of Henry IV. , and by him indulged in his faith 
and his attachment to the Huguenots, was placed in 
an unhappy position by the King. He had opposed 
the war measures of the Huguenot Assembly as un- 
called for, and of consequence unwise. The King 
insisted on his giving a writing condemning the As- 
sembly and its acts ; and then used it as he had the 
act of Du riessis in delivering up the citadel of 

The character and designs of the King were now 
understood by all. He had purposely provoked the 
Huguenots ; they unwisely permitted the provocation 
to have its intended effect in taking up arms ; and 
now he declares them in rebellion ; and by deceptions 
and open falsehoods was proceeding to' seize the forti- 
fied towns hi their possession. Some few of the 
smaller towns ventured to close their gates. One un- 
der the Dnke Saubize defended itself for about a 
month. Almost every building was battered down ; 
and the whole place a scene of ruhis. Terms of sur- 
render were accepted. The citizens preserved little 
besides their lives ; the fortifications were destroyed 
and tlie privileges of the town abolished. After a 
brief investment, Clanoc surrendered at discretion. 
The minister of the place. La Fargue, with his father, 
father-in-law, and other citizens, were publicly exe- 


ciited ; and part of the garrison were murdered in 
cold blood. 

The Assembly at Kochelle issued an apology, in 
which the artifices and deceptions practiced by the 
court upon the Huguenots were numbered up in fear- 
ful array ; and the principles of the Jesuits exposed, 
particularly their readiness to participate in the mur- 
der of Kings excommunicated by the Pope ; and their 
enmity to all authority not emanating from Rome. 
A reply in the King's name, without his official sig- 
nature, declared that all the evils under which the 
kingdom groaned for the last sixty years was owing 
to the Reformed ; referring to the time the Hugue- 
nots came out in a body to assist Henry of Navarre, 
the father of Louis XHL, in his struggle for the 
crown of France. 

The tide of success attending the King's array was 
arrested at Montauban. La Force and Count De 
Ovval, son of the Duke of Sully, associated in the 
command of the garrison, defended the place with 
great skill and vigour, repulsing all the assaults made 
by Luinnes, in the presence of the King. The Duke 
of Mayence, struck by a ball in his eye, was killed. 
His death greatly affected the King. The news of it 
excited the rabble in Paris, devoted to the Guise fam- 
ily. The Fauxbourg of St. Martel, occupied by the 
Huguenot artificers, was assaulted ; the vigorous in- 
terference of the magistrates alone saved it. At Cha- 
renton, a few miles from Paris, the Church of the Re- 
formed, with its library and some private dwellings, 
were burnt. Lives were lost on both sides. The 
ringleaders of the tumult at Charenton were arrested 


and sent to the galleys. The magistrates hastened 
the departure of Dominic, a Jesu Maria, a fanatical 
Spanish Carmelite, by whose preaching the rioters 
had been encouraged. This man came last from Ba- 
varia, inflated by the honours paid to him even by the 
nobility. Shreds of his garments were carefully kept 
as relics of healing virtue. The objects of his great- 
est abhorrence were the Reformed. Pretending a 
mission to the King of France, the Governor of the 
Capitol, hastened his progress to camp, that he might 
fulfil it. Sedition followed his steps. Ilis entrance 
into Tours was marked by insurrection. The vigi- 
lance of the magistrates prevented a massacre at Sau- 
mur after his preaching. In the royal camp before 
Montauban, he was received with enthusiasm. He dis- 
tributed relics, and the superstitious soldiery thronged 
** the thrice blessed father." The Constable applied 
to him for aid ; and was assured that the city would 
surrender after four hundred rounds of artillery should 
be discharged against the ramparts. The King and 
the Constable looked for a miracle hke the fall of 
Jericho. Bassompierre, the commander of the artil- 
lery, said : * * The King ordered me to give the num- 
ber of shot ; which I did : but the enemy did not sur- 
render for all that." Within the town was a loss as 
greatly mourned as the death of the Duke of Mayence 
by the besiegers. A cannon ball marked C struck 
Daniel Chamier, pastor and professor of divinity; and 
on a Sabbath morning suddenly dismissed him to his 
immortal crown. The Reformed loved to call him 
the Great Chamier ; and his works, published by re- 


quest of Synod, were of the highest authority long 
after his death. 

Unable to prevent the Duke of Rohan from throw- 
ing great numbers of reinforcements into the city, the 
Constable and the King became discouraged. Watch 
fires were kindled ; and the noise in the camp aroused 
the besieged to meet an assault. The King's army 
rapidly marched away, and when the movement was 
discovered, were beyond the reach of the garrison. 
Luinnes, chagrined at this failure attributed to his 
want of generalship, and fearing the loss of the King's 
favour, languished under a fever and soon died. Be- 
fore his death he prepared two letters ; in the first, 
addressed to the Duke of Montbazon, he describes, 
in strong terms, the extreme misery endured by the 
army; and attributes the failure at Montauban to the 
great prevalence of sickness and the rashness of the 
Duke of Mayence. 

The King passed the winter without a favourite or 
a master. The Cardinal De Retz and Schonberg, 
superintendent of finances, were not for peace. Cond^, 
that had inflamed the Huguenots for war, now in the 
court, gready of the confiscation that would ensue, 
was for war. Jeannin, the President of the Council, 
was for peace, lie said a season of repose would be 
more harmful to the Huguenots than war ; for in 
peace it would be their interest to conform ; in war, 
an advance of fortune was to be obtained only by 
vigorous resistance. 

The King resolved on war, and hastened to com- 
mence hostiUties early in the sprhig. The inhabitants 


of Negrepelisse had, during the winter, risen upon 
the royal garrison of 400 men, and in one night mas- 
sacred them. On the 8th of Jane, the King put the 
entire population to the sword. On the 22nd of the 
month, the garrison of St. Anthoneis, after a gallant 
defence which was made their crime, were all mur- 
dered, and the women of that unhappy town were all 

Success attended the Kins: until he came to Mont- 
pellier in September. The siege was commenced. 
After six weeks, the King became discouraged, and 
fearing a failure as at Montauban, Lesdeguieres was 
employed to treat with the Duke of Eohan for peace. 
The conference was l)rief ; a treaty of peace was signed 
in the camp on the 9th of October, 1622. The Edict 
of Nantes was the basis of the treaty. The Romish 
faith was declared the established faith of the king- 
dom. Pohtical assemblies, held without the previous 
consent of the King, were declared treasonable. Con- 
sistories, Colloquies, and Synods, Provincial and Na- 
tional, might meet for religious purposes ; but in these 
all politics or political discussions were forbidden. 

The strict constructionists of the Assembly at Sau- 
mur, 1611, of which Lesdeguieres with Bouillon were 
the leaders, had, by the ]<ing's forces, succeeded, or 
we may say the King bad, by his army, established 
the strict construction ol tlie Edict of Nantes. All 
political assemblies, except those called by special 
leave of the King, were treasonable ; and the caution- 
ary towns had no longer a legal existence. 

The King rewarded Lesdeguieres with the office of 


Marshal of the khigdom. With a parade of ceremo- 
nies the old man renounced the faith of the Reformed 
and was admitted into the Church of Rome. For 
about four years he enjoyed the honour of bemg sec- 
ond in power and honour in the kingdom, and died 
September 28th, 1626, in his 84th year, making use 
of all the forms and ceremonies of the Church of his 

The Romish Ecclesiastics gloried over their aged 
convert ; the Huguenots looked on with sadness at 
the spectacle, and wamdered if- the baseness of treach- 
ery to his old friend Du Plessis at Sauniur, and to the 
whole Huguenot body, when he came in arms against 
them, was not even in the mind of Lesdiguieres, too 
great a price to pay for the baton of Marshal, added 
to that other price, the abjuration of his faith. The 
office of Marshal died with him ; the King would have 
no more. 

Looking at the Huguenots, and contemplating them 
acting under the light they had, it seems to us that 
the opinions of Du Plessis and his companion about 
the construction of the Edict of Nantes, were correct, 
and that peaceable measures were the hest calculated 
to preserve their privileges ; and that the hard usage 
of Bearne was not a cause for war. 

With the light we have about the designs of the 
court, we devoutly wish that the Huguenots could 
have been undivided in their political course; and 
either have waited on the throne peaceably for justice, 
not heeding the attempts to irritate and divide and se- 
duce their ranks ; or if that had been found impossi- 


ble, to have joined as one body in the war, and con- 
tended with all their power for victory and the enjoy- 
ment of their rights, or have gone down together to 
a bloody and honourable grave. 



From the Peace of Montpellier, 1622, with the Strict Construe* 
tion, to the taking of Kochelle, 1628, with the loss of Political 

THE King enjoyed the greatest freedom and relaxa- 
tion after the peace of MontpeUier. Lainnes, his 
favourite and absolute master, was dead. The Queen 
mother, seeking to gain her ascendancy, was compli- 
ant and flattering. The success in capturing, or get- 
ting possession of the cautionary towns, had satisfied 
the young aspirants at court, with distinction and 
plunder. His Council embraced men of experience, 
all anxious to give an impulse to affairs of State. The 
King, satisfied with their general abilities and willing- 
ness to serve his wishes, was exceedingly guarded 
against the appearance of having a favourite, or even 
a confidential adviser. The court, the most fascinat- 
ing in Europe, basked in the royal favour. Freedom 
of manners, checked in the latter part of the reign of 
Henry IV. by the jealousy of the Queen, now under 
the same Queen and her son, assumed the name and 
guise of virtue. Indulgence was more private, and 
regarded as the consequence or reward of reputed 
merit and success in arms or public life. The cour- 
tiers had each his favourite lady as his presiding an- 
gel, whose approbation he sought, whose counsels he 
followed, whose ophiions he defended, and whose hon- 


our was the apple of his eye. The Duke Bouillon 
alone found that presiding angel in his wife. The 
sternness of liichliou, in demanding of the court the 
penances commanded by the National Church, was 
justified by the tendency to offend that underlay the 
whole proceedings of that gay court ; and unhappily, 
in a religious point of view, these very penances that 
preserved a becoming exterior, fostered crime in the 
secrecy of retirement. 

The King was satisfied that he had established by 
his arms, in coimection with the dissensions among 
the Ilusjuenots, the strict construction of the Edict of 
Nantes, lie had been reared to suspect the Re- 
formed ; his mother and all his teachers had hated 
tliem. And the severe manner of his early training 
had made him hate his mother and his teachers, and 
the Ecclesiastics on whose ministry he attended when 
a boy ; in fact, to hate all restraint. In the war just 
closed, he had become sensible of the numbers and 
strength of the Huguenots. He saw their industry, 
and its productiveness. He knew that to him, as 
their King, the King of France, they were loyal ; 
that their complaints had been against his favourites 
now dead, to whom the grievous counsels had been 
attributed ; and that they now looked to him, their 
King, for redress. lie had rc-aflirmed the Edict of 
Nantes, and had refused to grant political assemblies ; 
and had decided that the cautionary towns yielded by 
the Edict for eight years, were not now necessary. 
And now if Lesdiguieres, or Bouillon, or Cond^, or 
any prominent man at court, had plead the cause of 
the Huguenots, he would have been heard. 


The principle of balance of power was reviving in 
the Court of France ; apparently dying with Henry 
rV., it had come to life again, and was soon to be 
the principle of action for France and for Europe. 
And a balance at court would have been grateful to 
the King ; something to check the ministers, some- 
thing to balance the devotees of Spain and the Pope ; 
something to gratify that desire, shall it be called 
weakness ? to have a choice of action, or at least the 
appearance of it ; to be a protector of the Romish 
Church, and yet be able to show to Europe that, as 
King of France, he had the right, was under obliga- 
tion, to cherish all his subjects. But Cond^, that 
once affected to be the head of the Huguenots, was 
offended and sought, in compliance with the court, to 
obtain the wealth and indulgencies he desired ; Bouil- 
lon, more anxious to preserve his little kingdom of 
Sedan than advance the interests of the whole body 
of Huguenots, which he, unfortunately for himself 
and his little kingdom, looked upon as antagonistic, 
was seeking for place and influence at court, and did 
not see the one in his power in which he might stand 
against the whole influence of Rome ; Lesdiguieres, 
beguiled by the honours of the Marshall of the king- 
dom, was preparing to abjure the Reformed faith ; 
and Du Plessis, the brave and noble, that won the 
admiration of Henry IV. for his stern rebuke of 
wrong-doing even in his Majesty, Du Plessis was 
dead. There was no man at court like Coligny and 
Du Plessis, whose principles of statesmanship will last 
forever, to come forward and relieve the King and 
save the Huguenots. 


The National Synod, now the only visible bond of 
nnion, and means of access to the King, held its 
Twenty-Fourth meeting at Charenton, commencing 
September 1st, 1623. Monsieur Durant presided. 

The King's Edict granting permission for the meet- 
ing of Synod, was dated April 17th, and directs the 
Lord Augustus Galland, member of the Reformed 
Church, a Councillor of State, and member of the 
Privy Council, and Attorney General of E"avarre, to 
attend as his special commissioner **to carefully take 
heed that nothing be treated or debated in it contrary 
to our service or prejudicial to the public peace." 
Commissioners were also appointed to attend the Pro- 
vincial Synods, Colloquies, and Consistories, to pre- 
vent any matters other than religious from receiving 
attention. Some of the deputies to this Synod were 
late in attendance ; and were excused for their tardi- 
ness, because the commissioners appointed to attend 
the Provincial Synods had delayed their appearance 
and kept back the Synods. The list of lay delegates 
had many titles of honour. Paris sent a Councillor 
and Secretary to the King ; Alez, a doctor of the 
civil law ; Dolphiny, a Captain and Constable of the 
Castle of Lamure, and an advocate in the Parliament 
of Greenable ; Langucdoc, the King's attorney and 
a doctor of civil law ; Lower Languedoc, two doctors 
of the civil law ; Lower Guienne, an advocate in the 
Parliament of Bordeaux ; Orleans and Berry, a Coun- 
cillor to the King, and his Judge in the Sessions of 
Blois. The name of Lord is appended to many 

A Committee of Conference, two pastors and two 


elders waited on the King to profess the loyalty of the 
Synod ; and to ask that the imputation on the Synods, 
Colloquies, and Consistories, that they had passed 
their due hounds, might be removed, by withdrawing 
the commissioners sent by the King for inspection. 
The King received them kindly, and promised to con- 
tinue their privileges, but made no promise to with- 
draw the commissioners. 

By his Lord Chancellor, the King objected to the 
employment of foreign ministers as pastors of the 
churches in France. The Committee replied that 
foreigners in great numbers were employed in the 
National Church. The Chancellor objected to the 
oath to maintain the decrees of the Synod of Dort, 
imposed by the Synod of Alez, ''that though his 
Majesty giveth protection to the religion, yet you 
must not mistake him, he intends it not for a novel 
and exotic faith." The Committee replied, that the 
decision at Dort did ''most harmoniously agree with 
the Confession of Faith in the churches of this king- 
dom, and that there was nothing novel in it except 
its formality and application as a fence and boundary 
to keep out diverse errors." 

After consultation with his Majesty, the Chancel- 
lor said : "His Majesty would not remove the foreign 
pastors from their flocks in this kingdom, who are 
now in office, and at present actually employed." 
The King repeated : "I will not that one of them 
that is now in the ministry of their churches be turned 

The Chancellor said that on the other subject, "his 
Majesty leaves you wholly at liberty to judge of your 


doctrine ; but only gives you to understand, that no 
man shall be obliged to pin his faith upon another's 
sleeve or swear upon the faith of a stranger." 

The Synod, taking into consideration the oath pro- 
posed at Alez respecting tlie Synod of Dort, resolved, 
**the present Synod, considering that the city of Dort 
is a dependence and member of a foreign common- 
wealth, it do til ordain that the reference had m the 
said oath, unto that city, shall be taken away, nor 
shall it be for the future administered in the churches 
and universities of tliis kingdom : And the oath shall 
be hereafter taken in that lorm as is expressed in the 
close of the canons decreed in this present Synod, 
and wliich, by its special order, were printed and in- 
serted into these present acts." 

These canons, to take the place of the articles of 
Dort, were drawn up in four chapters, comprising 
about twenty-live loosely printed octavo pages : Chap- 
ter 1st, of Predestination, Election, and Keprobation, 
contained eighteen canons or propositions of truth to 
be believed ; and nine canons of error to be rejected. 
Chapter 2d, of the Death of Jesus Christ, and Man's 
Redemption by it, contained nine canons of truth to 
be received, and seven of eiTors rejected. Chapter 
3d, of the Corruption of Man, his Conversion unto 
God, and tlie maimer how, contained seventeen canons 
of truths to be believed, and nine of errors to be re- 
jected. Chapter 4th, concerning the Perseverance of 
the Saints, contained tifteen canons of truth to be be- 
lieved, and nine of errors to be rejected. 

This compend of doctrine is more full, precise and 
clear, than that of Dort, leaving no doubt upon the 


reader's mind of the intention of Synod, or the mean- 
ing of the oath of subscription. It has few equals in 
the great number of formulas drawn up for conside- 
ration, or offered as standards of faith, since the com- 
mencement of the Reformation. It may be called an 
epitome of the doctrines of the Reformed French 
Church ; and, as a vade meeum\ would comfort and 
contirm believers, building them up in the faith. 

His Majesty made known by his commissioner that 
Mr. Cameron, proposed by the Synod of Anjou for 
Professor of Divinity at Saumur, and Mr. Primrose, 
who had with Mr. Cameron been pastor at Bordeaux, 
** should not be preferred neither of them to any pub- 
lick office of pastors in the churches, or professors in 
the universities. " 

The Synod sent a deputation to entreat his Majesty 
to relax the rigour of his determination about those 
men, and also about Du Maulin, pastor in Paris, who 
had fled to escape arrest. 

The Lord Chancellor replied : **For divers reasons, 
which, if they were known unto you, would very well 
satisfy you, his Majesty cannot permit the Ministers 
Du MauUn, Primrose, and Cameron, to live in his 
kingdom ; and that since from his Majesty's mouth 
and writing you understand his will, it is his pleasure 
that you make no replies. However, because of your 
most humble petition, his Majesty will permit those 
ministers to reside within his dominions, but on this 
condition, that they shall not be employed either in 
the pastoral or professor's office. But, in time, mat- 
ters may be better ordered for their contentment." 

Mr. Cameron was a Scotchman, and served as pas- 


tor in Bordeaux. IIis ofFeuce was opposition to the 
Parliament of Bordeaux, seven years previous to this 
time. He remained in France. The Synod, in con- 
sideration of his condition, ordered a thousand livres 
to be paid him from the money at their disposah The 
opposition of the King subsided , and he became Pro- 
fessor of Divinity at Montauban ; and there died in 
1625, a])Out 45 years of age. 

Mr. Primrose was also a Scotchman, and had been 
pastor at Bordeaux. The King never relaxed in his 
opposition to him, and he returned to England and 
became pastor of the French Church in London. 
The Jesuits were the cause of his difficulties with the 
King. In the year 1619, on Whitsuntide, a Jesuit, 
preaching ])efore the King, Queen, and Court of 
France, in the Castle of Amboise, assured his audi- 
ence **that it was never the doctrine of the Komish 
Church, and never believed by those good fathers, 
that subjects might lawfully rebel against their sove- 
reign ; yea, it doth anathematize all those who teach 
and preach that the sacred persons of princes may be 
lawfully made away with and murdered ; yea, that 
the whole Society of the Jesuits doth condemn, de- 
test, and as much as in them lieth, doth anathematize 
all advisers, abettors, and aiders of rebels against the 
King, upon any pretext whatever." 

His Majesty and the whole audience were greatly 
pleased with the declaration, and left the services re- 
joicing. His Majesty declared publicly his approba- 
tion of the Jesuits, and that the preacher had, in the 
name of the Society, plainly and fully condemned the 
book of Mariana, 


Mr. Primrose heard tlie sermon, and was indignant 
at the imposition practiced on the King, and entreated 
Monsieur Modine, then a stranger, to ask Father Ar- 
naux, the preacher, ** whether James Clement, that 
Btahbed in the bowels, with a poisoned knife, Henry 
III. , an excommunicated King, had killed his King ? 
and suppose the Pope should excommunicate his Ma- 
jesty now reigning, and declare his throne and king- 
dom vacant, whether he would own Louis XIII. for 
his King ? and if, at any time, an assassin as John 
Chautel, Peter Barriere, or Francis Pavillac, all disci- 
ples of the Jesuits, should attempt upon his Majesty's 
life, he would accuse and anathematize him as guilty 
of treason in the last and highest degree, for daring 
to lift up his bloody hands against the sacred person 
of the King ?" 

The Jesuit could not reply to the enquiry of Mr. 
Primrose ; and by his manner convinced the bystand- 
ers that an imposition had been attempted. 

Father Arnaux took his revenge by persuading the 
Parliament of Bordeaux to pass a decree, **that no 
stranger, not born in the kingdom, should be a min- 
ister in France." 

Du Maulin was a Frenchman, and pastor in Paris. 
He carried on a controversy with Richlieu in defence 
of Protestantism, and pressed him hard. In a letter 
to James I. of England, he wrote to his Majesty, 
** that not only the eyes of all the Peformed in France 
are upon you for help in their exigency and distress, 
but the eyes of all the other Protestant and Reformed 
Churches of Europe ; that in fact, England is the bul- 
wark of the Reformation.^'' 


Tliis letter went into the Lands of the Dnke of 
Buckingham ; and was by hlrn sent to the French 
King. Some friends at court gave Dn Mauhn infor- 
mation that a warrant was issued for his arrest. lie 
fled from the King's dominions. He was called to be 
pastor of the church and professor in the university at 
Sedan, the principality the Dnke De Bouillon held 
independent of the King of France. Here he died 
in 1650, in the 90th year of his age. 

His personal worth and his writings gave great eclat 
to the University of Sedan. His printed productions 
were in number seventy-five ; in quarto, octavo, duo- 
decimo, sixteens, and twenty-fours. An English writer 
says of him : *' He hath my heart, when I read his 
consolations to his l^rethren of the Church of France; 
as also in treating of the Love of God. I would 
willingly learn French only to understand him." 

To preserve union among the churches, the Synod 
called the attention of the Consistories and Collo(|uics 
and Provincial Synods to the canon forbidding the 
printing of any manuscripts till tliey had been pro- 
perly examined by those appointed for the purpose by 
the Provincial Synods. 

It also directed *' all pastors, l)c it in their writings 
or in their sermons, are to keep themselves within the 
bounds of Christian simplicity, and to prune off, from 
all their discourses and exhortations, those needless 
excrescencies of curious questions, and to oppose such 
persons as shall attempt to subvert the truth delivered 
to us by our teachers of bb^ssed memory, whose min- 
istry the Lord so owned in the great work of Refor- 
mation \ and that they would so order all their doc- 


trines and sermons tliat tliey may have a direct ten- 
dency to promote the peace of the churches and the 
edification and conscience of the auditors." 

Letters from the authorities of the University of 
Leyden were read, asking that Eivet might be con- 
tinued their professor for hfe ; leave was granted him 
to remain till the next National Synod. He contin- 
ued to act as professor at Leyden till his death in 1651. 
His works are in three volumes folio. 

At this time there were three universities in opera- 
tion, (besides the one in Sedan claimed by Bouillon,) 
Saumur, Montauban, and Nismos. A proposition to 
reduce them to two was rejected, on account of the 
necessities of the churches. *'The professor's place 
in Greek" was suppressed. The office of Principal 
in the universities was conferred on one of the pro- 
fessors. A professor in Hebrew was commended to a 
church, and the professor of Greek to take his place. 
No wages to be given by universities to a printer. 

These orders show the necessities of the Synod 
while the payment of their annual gratuity was de- 
layed, in part, or wholly, or detained, or oflered in 
unavailable funds. 

As Greek was taught in colleges, the pressure of 
the irregularity of the yearly gratuity caused the dis- 
mission of the professor of Greek from the universi- 
ties, while the Hebrew, the language of" the Old Tes- 
tament, not being taught in colleges, was retained. 

The Synod of Charenton closed its sessions on the 
1st of October, 1623, according to custom, with the 
administration of the Lord's supper. Common bread 
was used, according to the ancient habit of the French 


Church. The church in Geneva came to use common 
bread m accordance with their brethren in France. 
Christ used the bread common at the feast at the time 
He instituted the supper. The Komish Church use 
the wafer. Some Protestant churches use unleavened 
bread. The Eeformed in France chose common bread 
for the sacred service of their communion. 

In remarking on this Synod, Mr. Quick, in his Sy- 
nodicon, says, the presiding officer, Monsieur Durant, 
had been minister to the Landgrave of Hesse ; and 
afterwards to the Duchess of Barr, sister of Henry 
IV. ; and then pastor in Paris, was zealous and elo- 
quent, like hghtning and thunder in the pulpit ; was 
never well after this S^nod, and died 1626. 

De Launey, the scribe, was a learned gentleman of 
great reputation in the churches ; wrote Commenta- 
ries on all the Epistles of l*aul, in French, 2 volumes 
octavo ; and had begun on the Pro})hecies of Daniel 
and Apocalypse of John , reputed a Millennarian of 
the members. Adrian Chamier, son of the great 
Charaler, was the third Irom his grandfather that 
ministered in Dolphiny; that this grandfather had 
five grandsons in the ministry ; and that the grand- 
father of this grandfather preached when above one 
hundred years old ; and that the ministry was in the 
family for more than four hundred years, through six 
generations. • 

WiUiam Kivet, brother of the professor, was a man 
of singular prudence ; he would not be persuaded to 
remove from his church at Taillebourg ; great lamen- 
tation was made for his death. He wrote on justifi-r 


cation, invocation of saints, authority of Scripture, 
and Des Droits De Dieu. 

Galland, the first commissioner of the King to the 
Synod, was a great lawyer and antiquary ; he wrote 
memoirs of the history of iN'avarre and Flanders in 
one volume. 

The Duke De Bouillon, one of the leaders of the 
Strict Construction party, died this year, and he was 
sj)ared the sight of the ruin brought by his principles. 

Cardinal Richlieu came into power in the Court of 
Louis XIII. in the spring of 1624 ; and is remem- 
bered as the man who gave form and consistency to 
the desires and designs of those who sought the ruin 
of the Keformed as a church, and the Huguenots as a 
party. The party he saw tall; the church he could 
only entangle and oppress, while he strove to involve 
it in contentions with the Kins; that miicht cause its 
overthrow, and was offering lures to the nobility to 
leave its communion for the Church of Rome. 

The King felt the need of his abilities, and yet 
trembled at the prospect of the influence he might 
wield over himself and the court and kins^dom. He 
had enjoyed the freedom from *' the control approach- 
ing tyranny, of the favourite Luinnes, whom he had 
loved in his youth. lie could not love Richlieu. lie 
had witnessed the ability with which the Cardinal had 
managed the aftairs of the Qaeen mother, while, as 
Bishop of Lucon, he controlled her Councils. He 
had noticed the address of his movements between 
the Queen regent and his favourite minister Luinnes. 
He had seen, too, how the Cardinal had contrived to 
instill into the mind of that favourite, in part, the 


plans to be pursued for the curbing the power of the 
Huguenots, by beginning with Bearne and reducing 
it from an independent kingdom to be a province of 
France, and afford opportunity of declaring that the 
national religion of France was the religion of Bearne, 
as the province must follow the kingdom. The King 
knew he would find the Cardinal every day advanta- 
geous to himself amidst the pleasures of his indulgent 
court, and troubled by the cabals and stratagems of 
the nobles and heedless youth that flocked around 

The Queen mother favoured the Cardinal, whose 
hat she had obtained from the Pope, because she be- 
lieved him faithful to the Romish Church and friendly 
to herself The King prized and dreaded him, as he 
remembered how he persuaded, and beguiled, and de- 
ceived his mother ; he looked, with apprehension, 
upon the man who could be the most efficient servant, 
and might be most uncompromising in his supremacy, 
and most ready to court some favour from other sources 
than the King of France. 

Wearied with the cares of government that were 
encroaching on his freedom and enjoyments, he deter- 
mined at last, after great hesitation, to throw the 
weight of government upon Tvichlieu. He made him 
Privy Councillor 

The rise of this man had been rapid. Introduced 
to the Queen regent by her favourite Galligai, he at- 
tached hhnself to her fortunes. ITe wrote various 
tracts against the Protestants ; which were greatly 
praised, but short lived. He was encountered by Du 
Maulin of Paris in reply; and could never forget nor 


forgive the Reformed pastor for the vigour of his pen. 

The Queen regent procured for him the position of 
Bishop of Lucon, in IGOl, when in his 21st year. 

On his birthday, September 5th, sixteen years after- 
wards, he was promoted to the position of Cardinal, 
being then thirty-seven years of age. In about a year 
and one-half afterwards, April 9th, 1624, he received 
from the King the appointment of Councillor of State. 
This was the summit of his greatness ; but one other 
position on earth Remained of greater honour in his 
estimation, and that was the Chair of St. Peter at 
Rome. His great, his constant struggle, was, not so 
much to ascend to the supremacy of the Romish 
Church, as to hold his position and escape the down- 
fall that was always awaiting his steps. He addressed 
himself to his work as a man that knew his position 
and was resolved on success. Great designs call for 
great acts and great principles. The principles blessed 
at Rome, and the acts lauded there, could not make 
him beloved in France ; they were too weak to endure 
the pressure and trial of ages ; they did not hand him 
down to posterity as a great Christian, an eminent pa- 
triot, or a pure and exalted statesman. Multitudes 
he trampled in the dust are gathered from the records 
of the past jewels of memory set for the crown of the 
Lamb at the day of his coming more precious than 
the Prime Minister. 

Richlieu began immediately to accomplish designs 
familiar to his desires as Bishop contending with Pas- 
tor Du Maulin, and as Cardinal, revolving the condi- 
tion of his church, and now as Councillor of State, 
burning in his heart. First in his desire, and not 


least in his passion, was the destruction of the Re- 
formed French Church. Next, as a thing gratifying 
to himself, and agreeable to the King, was the break- 
ing of the power of the nobles of France, whether 
Protestant or Romish, who could shake the throne of 
a weak or pleasure-loving King. By the lirst, he 
would secure unity of faith in France, and be himself 
head of the Galilean Church, if never Pope at Rome; 
by the second, the government of France would be 
an unit, as comi)lete as that of Spain ; the nobles at 
the feet of the King ; and he liimself before the world 
next to the King in government ; in reality the mas- 
ter of liis King, whose conscience he governed. 

To amuse the nation, bewilder the Huguenots, and 
delude the nol)les, he entered at once into the politics 
of Europe to Hmit the house of Austria in its various 
positions in Germany, Italy and Spain, to bring about 
the balance of power in Europe, all despotic, but all 
balanced ; and if not Pope, he would bring all Europe 
to Popery. 

The struggles with the nobles of France, and the 
branches of the house of Ailstria, have in their re- 
cords splendid actions emanating from the will of an 
ambitious, i>roud, resolute, persevering man, who 
finally died detested by the nobles he courted, and 
proaioted and honoured in the sight of Europe, and 
yet subdued to vassalage, and hated by the King he 
governed, and made absolute. These will fill pages 
in the history of European courts and wars. 

The contests with the Huguenots in arms, and with 
the Reformed Church, by arts and dissimulations and 
tyrannic acts, belong to the history of martyrs for the 


rights of men, and tlie pure worship of Almighty 

It was no difficult thing for Richlieu to aggravate 
the Huguenots to expressions of discontent, to com- 
plaints, and to a spirit of determined resistance ; and 
unhappily, notwithstanding their sufferiugs from di- 
vided Councils in the contests about the construction 
ot the Edict of l^antes, he found it no difficult thing 
to provoke them to act without that harmony of coun- 
sel which their condition demanded for safety. The 
prospect of promotion, and the gains to come from 
war with the Huguenots, easily won the youth of the 
court to talk of battles and sieges and campaigns as 
appropriate work of nobles and gentlemen. 

A royal citadel was erected in Montpellier to over- 
awe the community, contrary to the rights and privi- 
leges of the city, evidently designed to put the rebel- 
lious and victorious people in the power of the court, 
contrary to the late treaty. 

Fort Louis, which had been built during the late 
war to annoy Rochelle, instead of being torn down 
according to the provisions of the late treaty, was re- 
paired and strengthened, and put in condition to me- 
nace the city. 

Petty grievances were abundant, from sources un- 
der the control of the Cardinal, of which, however, 
he could plead ignorance, and without very plain 
proof offered him, could denounce as fabrications. 
It was the interest of many to oblige the Cardinal 
without implicating him in the acts. Deprived of the 
counsel and authority of their political assembly which 
the King would not call, and not willing to wait the 

• 23^ 


process of negotiation to unite the whole body of Hu- 
guenots in a well-adjusted plan of action, the inhabi- 
tants of Rochelle prepared for war, trusting to their 
strong fortifications and maritime advantages. 

The Duke of Rohan was called to the command of 
the forces on land, and the naval interests were com- 
mitted to the Duke Saubize. The royal forces, in 
number about five thousand, were commanded by 
Marshall De Themines. 

Marches, and skirmishes and battles, and plunder- 
ings and wounds, and whatever else make up war, 
were began ; and were confined to Languedoc and 
the adjoining districts. The Huguenots of the mid- 
dle and northern provinces were undisturbed. Rich- 
Ueu would make a distinction between those who re- 
belled and those who remained quiet. The army 
moved among the southern provinces carrying desola- 
tion and spreading terror along the line of its march 
among the unwalled villages. 

The record of the wrongs and sufferings is before 
the Lord of all, and waits the decision of the great 
day which shall make known who were the aggres- 
sors and who the sufierers, and shall proclaim their 

One event peculiar in its circumstances exhibits the 
bravery of the Huguenots. The royal army was 
stopped in its progress by seven armed peasants of 
Foix barricaded in a mud hovel, by name Chaurbonnet, 
near Cariot. For two whole days these peasants defended 
themselves, killing forty of the enemy. The artillery 
of the royalists were ordered forward for an attack. 
The powder of the peasants was exhausted. One of 


tlie party recounoitering discovered a point at which 
the hostile forces could be broken through. On his 
return to the cabin, he was mistaken for an advancing 
foe, fired upon and wounded in his thigh, by the sen- 
tinel. Disabled by this wound from accompanying 
them, he urged the other six to escape by the way he 
believed to be passable. The sentinel, his brother, 
refused to leave the brother whose wound he had 
himself inflicted. Another kinsman present, also re- 
fused, resolved to share the fate of his relatives. Un- 
der shelter of the night, four of the seven escaped. 
The other three awaited the dawn. The royal army 
pressed on, too ferocious to be brave. The brother 
would not leave the wounded brother ; and the rela- 
tive would not leave the two brothers ; and the three 
would not permit the other four to meet the death im- 
pending from an exasperated foe that would strive to 
wipe out their disgrace and loss by blood. The four, 
after prodigies of valour, escaped with their lives ; the 
three fell, sword in hand, adding more victims to the 
forty already slain. Their names have not been pre- 
served. They are remembered as the seven peasants of 

Another event occurred upon the water of equal 
spirit. Captain Durant, of the squadron of Saubize, 
finding his vessel, the La Vierge, shut up between the 
isle of Rhe and the mainland ; and seeing four of the 
royal squadron bearing down upon his ship, the largest 
in the channel ; and waiting till all the men but four 
had escaped to land, jumped with a lighted match into 
the powder magazine, destroying at once his own ship 
and those of the enemy, with seven hundred and forty 


of their mon. Two of his own men perished with 
him, and two escaped unhurt. A gentleman of Poic- 
tou, lying wounded on deck, persuaded his son, a few 
moments before the magazine was set on fire, to swim 
ashore ; he himself was thrown by the explosion, un- 
hurt, into one of the boats of the enemy. 

Richlieu believed it important to the success of his 
designs against the house of Austria to maintain 
peace with England. While the royal forces were 
ravaging Languedoc and distressing Kochelle, he ne- 
gotiated a peace with King James and a marriage be- 
tween the Prince of Wales, Charles I. , and Henrietta 
Maria, sister of Louis XTLI. To do this, he broke 
off the match agreed upon between that young Prince 
and the Infanta of Spain. Charles had visited her in 
her father's palace in Math'id ; and the nuptials were 
in preparation. The reason assigned for the breach of 
faith with the InCanta Avas that Charles, on his way to 
Madrid, had seen the French Princess and could not 
recover himself from the toils thrown around him. 

A league was formed of England, France, Venice, 
Savoy, and the States of Holland, against the King 
of Spain, who, stung by the insult oflered his daugh- 
ter, was not unwilling to meet his foe. The English, 
ashamed of their treatment of Rochelle, where the 
commander of their fleet was disgraced, the sailors 
dishonoured, and the inhabitants injured, insisted 
that war should cease between the King of France 
and his subjects. Kichlieu checked his eager desire 
for the destruction of the Huguenots by piecemeal, 
and called back the King from his rash declaration : 
♦* All else who have taken up arms against me may 


expect clemency; for the Rachellois it is quite another 

Political reasons, that it was best that all parts of 
the kingdom should be at peace before undertaldng a 
foreign war, prevailed ; and a treaty of peace was 
signed February 6, 1626, stipulating that the Romish 
worship should be tolerated in Eochelle, and that Fort 
Louis should remain unharmed. The Earl of Hol- 
land and Sir Dudley Carlton, the English ambassa- 
dors, affixed their signatures and seals to an instru- 
ment declaring that their master, James I., guaran- 
teed the treaty, and had received a promise from the 
King of France that Fort Louis should be thrown 
down at a time convenient. 

Richlieu, to gain the EngUsh, consented to the 
treaty. Before it was signed, he left the room, that 
he might not seem to have a part in such delusive 
transactions. He knew the convenient time would 
never come; and that the doom of Rochelle was 
sealed. But he did not know what would have re- 
joiced him to hear, that the meshes woven around 
Prince Charles by his diplomatic skill would be more 
afflictive to the Prince and to all England than any 
Spanish alliance ; nor did he suspect, what he would 
have trembled to hear, that in the end the young 
Prmce's blood would stain a scaffold and Protestantism 
cover England. 

The design of Richlieu, approved by the King, to 
dispense with political assemblies hitherto granted the 
Hut^-uenots, is revealed in the progress of the iwenty- 
ffth annual meeting of the National Synod, held at 
Castres, in Albigeois, commencing Sept. 16th, 1626. 


His Majesty's commissioner presented a letter from 
the King, of July 24tli, requiring that debates be held 
only on matters of discipline of religion ; that the 
commissioner '* assist in person in all your consulta- 
tions ;" promising protection as long as the body was 
loyal; *'that no minister shall depart the kingdom 
without his royal license first obtained, to live in a 
foreign land ; nor shall these National Councils lend 
any of their ministers to foreign Princes or Republics, 
either for a determinate time or during life, but shall 
refer the same to his Majesty," for his consideration 
and decision. The commissioner also required infor- 
mation to be given of all ministers who had joined 
tlie Spanish faction ; the Synod, re-affirming its alle- 
giance, declare that the churches **have never the 
least intimation or knowledge that any of their mem- 
bers professing the Reformed religion have tampered 
in any plots or treasons with the Spaniards or other 
enemies of the crown." 

' The Synod went on to express their abhorrence of 
the doctrine and practice of those * * who having divers 
times attempted to assassinate the sacred persons of 
Kings, still carry on correspondence with foreign na- 
tions," thus directing the attention of the King to 
many in his kingdom, and some around his person, 
from whom more danger was to be apprehended than 
from the Huguenots. 

The King, by his commissioner, exhorted *'his 
subjects of the Reformed religion to live in greater 
equanimity and moderation with his other subjects, 
though differing with them in religion." 

The Synod in reply showed how hard this require- 


ment was, in some places, where their fellow-citizens 
'' are molested in their persons, and disturbed in the 
exercise of their religion, deprived of their temples, 
yea, and see them demolished before their faces, ever 
since the peace, or else given away from them for 
dwelling-houses unto the Eomish priests and ecclesi- 
astics ; and that they be dispossessed of their burying 
places, and the dead bodies of very many persons be 
digged up most ignominiously ; that our ministers 
have been barbarously beaten, bruised, wounded, and 
driven away from their churches." 

The Synod further declares, in answer to the King 
by his commissioner, *' that the churches within the 
kingdom have ever been united in the profession of 
one and the same faith, and acts of love and charity, 
where members have none other aim or end than with 
one heart to serve God and the King in peaceable 
lives and liberty of conscience ; so as for the churches 
of other nations, they never had or will have any in- 
telligence, alliance, or correspondency with them than 
what shall be approved by God and his Majesty, de- 
siring always to live in peace, under the wings of his 

The King sent an Edict requiring the Synod to pro- 
ceed to the nomination of six persons, out of whom 
he might choose two to reside as General Deputies at 
court, the three years for which the late deputies were 
chosen having expired. 

The Synod objected that this was a political matter, 
hitherto done in the General Political Assembly held 
once in three years by his Majesty's permission, to 
state grievances, choose General Deputies, give them 


iiistructioD, hear their report at the close of their du- 
ties ; and that Provincial Assemblies had preceded 
the General Assembly, in order to facilitate the cause 
of justice and the public welfare. 

A deputation was sent to the King on this matter. 
He refused to grant permission for the meeting of po- 
litical assembUes ; directed the Synod to nominate 
deputies for three years ; declared that upon their re- 
fusal he should appoint deputies without their nomi- 
nation ; and declared that this act of choice should 
not be a precedent for the future ; that it might be 
that he would permit pohtical assemblies to be held 

After a conference of a committee of twelve with 
the commissioner, the Synod proceeded to the nomi- 
nation of six persons, from whom the King should 
choose two. 

Monsieur La lloucher was directed to collect the 
memoirs sent from the churches stating the grievances 
under which they labour in being deprived of the 
rights of conscience ; and all others signed by two 
pastors or elders ; and embodying them all in a bill, 
to lay them at his Majesty's feet, asking the royal 
protection. Complaints of grievances, instead of go- 
ing up by political assemblies, which were now forbid- 
den, came up to the National Synod, from the suiibr- 
ing people, either as memorials from churches or pe- 
titions Irom pastors and elders. The Synod, after re- 
monstrance with the King, became, of necessity, the 
channel of access to the King. 

The Synod issued a strong testimony against some 
lascivious fashions that had gone out from court into 


the provinces: it enjoined all **the faithful to sup- 
press and stifle those bitter animosities which the un- 
happiness of our late civil wars may have enkindled 
in them. Pastors, heads of families, and members of 
churches, were exhorted to pray for blessings on the 
King, *'to beg of God, that he would be gi^aciously 
pleased to bless his Majesty with children of his own 
body; that the sceptre may be strengthened in his 
hand, his house established from generation to gene- 
ration ; and that he may, after a long and happy life, 
be honoured m succeeding ages with the glorious title 
of Father of Kings. ^"^ 

Richer churches were exhorted to erect public libra- 
ries for the benefit of their pastors. Collections hav- 
ing been made by his Majesty's permission for the 
cities of Montau]xan,Rochclle and Castres, the Synod 
decided that one quarter should be given to Castres. 
Counsel and directions were given to the Church of 
La Mate, to save their place of worship from the de- 
signs and efibrts of the Cardinal of Sourdis, and the 
Bishop of Moillszais. ** Lord and Lady Dangeau com- 
plaining that the Synod of the Isle of France had 
forbidden the particular recommendhig of them to 
God in the public prayers made by the Church of 
Chartres meeting at the bridge of Tranchefetus, al- 
though they had formerly been made for the Lord 
and Lady of that place : the Synod, after hearing the 
reasons for the omission, ordered that ** the pastor of 
Chartres shall mention in his prayers, and pray par- 
ticularly by name, for the said Lord and Lady, ac- 
cording to the intention of the Synods of that pro- 


The publication in folio of the writings of Mon- 
sieur Doneau, a very famous minister and professor of 
divinity in the kingdom of Bearne, was requested, 
the Synod offering to meet the expense. 

A request was sent to the Church and University of 
Sedan for the manuscripts of Monsieur Du Tilloy, to 
be published under the care of the Synod of the Isle 
of France. 

The learned works of the great Chamier, so often 
asked for by the Synod, were presented by his son, 
dedicated to the National Synod ; and three hundred 
livres were given to the editor in hand, and a contin- 
gent sum before next Synod. 

Seven hundred livres were given to the children of 
Mr. Cameron, professor at Montauban, deceased ; and 
other steps were taken for their comfort. 

Many churches having been scattered by the late 
wars, and many ministers driven away, the estimation 
of the number of churches at this time gives 630, and 
pastors 650. 

Letters from Geneva commend the Reformed for 
their pure faith, and praiseworthy efforts to maintain 
it ; the answer abounds in Christian sentiments ex- 
pressed in a Cliristian spirit. 

The professors of the Greek language, suppressed 
l)y the Synod of Cliarcnton, were restored mth this 
condition that the professors should explain the most 
elegant treatises of the fathers in their instruction, in- 
stead of the heathen classics. 

Cardinal Ilichlieu, lixing the attention of Europe 
on his political plans for a balance of power, knew 
well how to disturb and distract the Huguenots of the 


Southern provinces. He appeared not to think of 
them. The hand that moved their perplexing trials 
of patience and obedience to law was unseen ; the 
provocations to resent were conthuial ; to resist was 
to be pronounced an enemy ; to yield, was to receive 
further aggression. 

The complaints poured into the Synod, and by them 
in dignified tenderness laid before the King, tell how 
human nature was aggrieved. It is evident that wast- 
ing in peace or resistance by arms was the only alter- 
native of the Huguenots. Bentevoglio, Cardinal Le- 
gate of the Pope, in letters from the French court a 
little before this time, thus speaks of the Reformed. 
Having pretty fairly stated their doctrines, by pro- 
nouncing them Calvinistic, without defining the mean- 
ing of that word, overrating their number of minis- 
ters and underrating their aggregate and relative num- 
bers in comparison with the rest of France, he goes 
on to say: **They have selected Rochelle, the ima- 
gined future Carthage of France, in which they are 
hoping to found, or rather are tending the foundations 
of their nascent republic. That city is virtually their 
present asylum, in which they daily imagine a thou- 
sand evil practices against the King and the Church 
without exposure to chastisement." 

He then speaks of the cautionary towns, that were 
garrisoned by Huguenot soldiers and commanders at 
an expense to the King of more than a million of 
francs annually; and says of Rochelle, it *'is not a 
cautionary town ; but the ancient immunities are so 
extensive that it may be esteemed almost an indepen- 
dent government. It scarcely acknowledges the royal 


authority; it 1ms always been connected with the Hu- 
guenots ; and so strongly has it been fortified by na- 
ture and by art that its reduction would be a work of 
hngeriiig and difficult accomplishment." 

Having spoken of Bouillon as ** intriguing and 
Pithless," and Lesdiguieres as ** generous and sin- 
cere," he goes on to say: ''The chief hope of the 
extinction of the sect is founded on their internal dis- 
sensions. Lesdiguieres is said to be already decrepid ; 
and Bouillon aged and infirm ; and the other leaders 
are distracted with mutual jealousy." 

The ruin of Rochelle was to be achieved, if possi- 
ble. The city knew this fact well. Her only choice 
was when and how to fight. Saubize went to Eng- 
land to seek for help. He pressed Charles I., lately 
come to the crown, to declare himself the protector of 
the Huguenots, because his father had guaranteed the 
late treaty of Rochelle, and held under the signature 
of his embassadors the promise of Louis XIII. to tare 
down the Fort Louis, the grief of Rochelle ; and that 
promise had not been fulfilled, and that treaty had 
been wantonly violated in numberless cases ; many of 
which had been carefully enumerated in a State paper. 
The English nation were in favour of vigorous action 
in favour of the Reformed. The pohtics and heart of 
their King inclined different ways. He wished France 
no success ; he desired no good for the Reformed. In 
June 1627, the Duke of Buckingham, with land and 
naval forces, sailed for Rochelle. Unfortunately, nei- 
ther Saubize or Buckingham had made arrangements 
with the inhabitants to act in concert. Rochelle had 
always been prompt in her own defence. In the pre- 


sent case, circumstances were not favourable to war- 
like moveraents ; the designs of the English were not 
understood ; their proceedings before the late treaty 
were not forgotten, nor had they been explained ; the 
harvests were not gathered, and the labourers could 
not be called to arms ; the King's forces were near 
and on the w^atch ; the royal forts were ready for ac- 
tion, though unfinished ; and there was a party in the 
city, gathered by the arts of Kichlieu, in favour of the 
King. Saubize at length persuaded the citizens to 
receive Buckingham and try the event of war with his 
assistance. The Duke involved himself in ruinous 
sieges of different outposts, and shortly after the city 
had declared for him, made a disastrous retreat ; re- 
embarking his forces, with great loss of men, he re- 
turned home ; *^ discredited both as an Admiral and 
as a General, and bearing no praise with him but the 
vulgar one of courage and personal bravery.'* 

Kochelle, thus entrapped and abandoned, stood 
bravely for its defence. In the early part of winter, 
the Cardinal made preparations to crush the city at a 
blow. The Dukes Eohan and Saubize were declared 
traitors. The Parliament of Thoulouse, assuming an 
unwarranted authority over a peer of France, passed 
on the Duke of Rohan a sentence of degradation, and 
to be torn by four horses ; and ofiered fifty thousand 
crowns for his head, with the promise of nobility to 
any that would assassinate him. A wall of circum- 
vallation to the extent of nine miles was drawn around 
the city. The Cardinal took part in the siege, in the 
presence of the King ; and assumed the command of 
a brigade. Rochelle could not be taken while her 


port was open and access to the sea was free. Pro- 
fessed engineers had attempted to obstruct the en- 
trance to the port ; and the tides and tempests swept 
away every barricade their ingenuity erected. Fa- 
tigued with a seven months' campaign, the King, on 
the 4th of February, 1G28, nominated liichUeu his 
Lieutenant General, and commanding all the Mar- 
shals to yield implicit obedience as to himself, retired 
to the enjoyments of his court and capital. The Car- 
dinal planned a mole to cross the entrance of the har- 
bour beyond the reach of the cannon of the besieged, 
stretching seven hundred and fifty toises, from bank 
to bank, with a single opening in the middle, the arms 
of which overlapped. Still further to protect the pas- 
sage, jettees and stockades were interlaced with chains. 
This mole was made of piles filled with huge stones, 
with sixty hulks of vessels loaded with masonry to 
answer for buttresses ; its width of bottom twelve 
toises, tapering to the top, and in height far above 
high-water mark ; the top, four toises in width, was 
a smooth platform on which the sentinels passed to 
and fro. The Cardinal rejoiced in his work. The 
tides and storms of the vernal equinox came on before 
the work was done. To the great joy of the besieged, 
the waters forced a passage, and their deliverance 
seemed near. In a few days, to their great dismay, 
the active Cardinal had repaired the damages. The 
artillery was placed along the mole ; batteries \yere 
erected on the abutments ; the fortifications were com- 
pleted on the banks of the harbour ; and the royal 
fleet was moored at its entrance. Rochelle was now 
completely invested by land and by sea. 


• On the nth of May an English fleet of ninety ves- 
sels, under the Earl of Denbigh, appeared off the har- 
bour. Seven days of foul weather prevented all naval 
operations. On the eighth, the fleet sailed away after 
discharging one broadside. The Admiral pretended 
the ships required greater depth of water than the 
harbour aflbrded. A single sloop, under cover of 
night, landed her provisions. The King returned to 
camp in time to witness the arrival and departure of 
the English fleet ; and rejoiced over the bitter disap- 
pointment of the besieged and the disgrace of the 

Another fleet was prepared at Portsmouth to wipe 
oft' the disgrace of the English arms at Rochelle. The 
assassination of the Duke of Buckingham, under whom 
it was to have sailed in August, frustrated the expedi- 

Rochelle was left to its own resources. The siege 
was pressed by the Cardinal. Famine threatened the 
city ; but the walls were unbroken, and the courage 
of the defenders firm. 

Pierre Merault, son of the chief of the artillery of 
the garrison, a youth of twenty years of age, was a 
partaker of the sufterings of the siege, and preserved 
some memoranda of events as they passed. From 
the end of June *nhe famine began to be horrible." 
The pangs of hunger compelled the besieged to all 
imaginable resorts to allay its cravings. The flesh of 
the vilest animals was a dainty. Disease followed in 
the steps of famine. As many as two hundred, and 
even three hundred, would die in a day. A faction, 


under the influence of Ricblieu, continually clamoured 
for surrender. 

In the absence of experienced military leaders, the 
mayor, Guitou, a man of firmness, decision, and vig- 
our, commanded the besieged, lie repulsed all the ap- 
proaches of the royal army, and put down all the ef- 
forts of the faction, and encouraged the city to hope 
on.. One night, in order to excite the people to in- 
surrection and surrender, the faction, under pretence 
of saving the provisions still left in the city, assembled 
a crowd of women and children and old men, and 
drove them from the city walls towards the enemy. 
The royalists attacked with violence this starving band 
approaching them at the dawn of day. The King, 
forgetful of his father's example at Paris, drove them 
back to the city. The soldiers violated the women, 
robbed the company of their clothes, and left them to 
feed on grass and roots under the walls till re-admit- 
ted to the city. 

Two Englishmen, involved in the siege, wasting 
with famine and disease, and sensible that their death 
was approaching, ordered their coffins to be brought 
at a given hour. The undertaker carried the coffins 
at the appointed time, and was astonished to find one 
already dead and the other in his last agonies. 

The widow of a merchant named Prosni, with four 
children, distributed her stores liberally among her 
less fortunate neighbours, while anything remained. 
To a rich sister-in-law, reproaching her want of fore- 
sight, she re})lied : ** The Lord will provide us food." 
ller stores were at length exhausted. Spurned with 
taunts from the door of her relative, she went home 


to die with her children. Her little ones met her at 
the door with cries of joy. A stranger, whose name 
was never revealed, had, while she was absent, de- 
posited in her house a sack of flour. The single 
bushel it contained preserved their lives till the siege 
was closed. 

A third English fleet, of more than one hundred 
sail, appeared in two divisions off the Isle of Rhe, on 
the 18th of September. The Cardinal placed forty- 
five thousand men for the defence of the mole. Forty 
pieces of cannon on one shore and twenty-five on the 
other flanked the approaches. The narrow passage of 
one hundred and fifty feet, in the centre, was guarded 
by a flotilla of countless vessels. The commander of 
the English fleet, the Earl of Lindsey, employed him- 
self in reconnoissance and a distant cannonade. The 
fireships sent to destroy the French fleet were guided 
unskilfully, and exploded without damaging the 
enemy. On the 22d of October, Saubize endeavoured 
to force an entrance, himself leading the van. Fail- 
ing, he renewed the eflbrt, and being ill-supported by 
the rest of the fleet, he abandoned the attempt. The 
Enghsh Admiral lay at anchor out of the range of 
the Cardinal's guns. Three vessels prepared as float- 
ing mines, with 1200 pounds of powder, a great num- 
ber of immense stones, and vast quantities of brick, 
were left unemployed, as none could be found willing 
to encounter the danger of attaching them to the 

The Rochellois were frustrated in their last hopes. 
The promised aid from England had been of no ser- 
vice. Whether this disappointment was owing to the 


commands of the King in his private instructions, the 
incapacity of tlie commanders of the fleet, or the real 
difliculties of the pv»sition, cannot be positively as- 
serted. Some things are undoubted. It is well 
known that the King of England was not favourable 
to the Reformed Church. It is known that his wife, 
the sister of the French King, was the means of mul- 
tiplied eflbrts to give the Romish Church a position in 
England. Buckingham's gallantries in the French 
court are as well known as the pubUc welfare requires. 
The English fleets sent by the sympathy of the Eng- 
lish nation to aid the besieged, tantalized them and 
left them to their fate. Charles I. seemed to aid the 
city of Rochelle, and the untowardness of winds and 
waves were expected to cover the deception. 

Famine prevailed in the city; and disease followed, 
and, with the accidents of war, reduced the inhabi- 
tants in ten months from flfteen thousand to less than 
five, swallowing them up at the rate of a thousand a 
month, or two hundred and fifty a week, or some 
thirty-three a day ; two-thirds of the population had 
been buried in ten months, and as the siege began in 
the winter, the summer and vernal months witnessed 
the havoc of life at an increased ratio. The streets 
had tenantless houses and houses occupied by ghastly 
corpses in greater number than hal)itations of living 
men. The fortifications were unbroken ; but the bo- 
dies of the defenders were weakened by famine. The 
faction of Richlieu clamoured for surrender. The 
stout heart of Guitou gave up ; he beat a parley; alas 
a little too soon. 

The Cardinal had tasked his ingenuity and resom'ces 


and strategy; and was wearied. Glad of the parley, 
he resolved to attempt, by duplicity, wliat his courage 
and perseverance had not accomplished. He proposed 
terms, the very mildness of which should have excited 
in the besieged the strongest suspicion, of either his 
inability to continue the siege, or his utter faithless- 
ness to the terms he proposed. He promised amnesty; 
free exercise of the Reformed religion ; and the resto- 
ration of all their property to the citizens. 

On the 28th of October, the city surrendered in 
sight of the English fleet. On the very day of the 
capitulation, the stormy season (later this year than 
usual) commenced ; and on the 6th, 7th and 8th of 
November, the mole was shattered by a violent tem- 
pest from the southeast; and fifty toises swept away. 
The King, promenading as usual along the smooth, 
dry surface of the mole, with difficulty and by the 
greatest activity escaped from the crashing timbers 
and rising waters that came upon him suddenly. 

Immediately after the surrender of the city, the 
work of dishonour and destruction commenced. The 
mother of the Duke of Rohan, now passed her seven- 
tieth year, and his sister, had shared the miseries of 
the siege. They were both seized, put in close con- 
finement, with one domestic, and denied the ordi- 
nances of religion. They found means to convey in- 
telligence to the Duke, urged him not to be discour- 
aged by their fate, and not to trust to any letters they 
might be compelled by their enemies to write. 

An Edict was promulgated, declaring the indepen- 
dence and privileges of Rochelle at an end, establish- 
ing the Romish religion in the city and in the terri- 


tory of Aunis, and for 8(3izing the great church for a 
cathedral : the fortifications of the city, except to- 
wards the coast, were to be utterly demohshed, every 
ditch to be filled, and not a wall to be left even for a 
garden. When a spot in the suburbs was marked out 
to the astonished inhabitants as the place for their 
church building, they were tauntingly told that the 
strict letter of the terms of surrender were fulfilled, 
for the church was not without the walls of the city. 
The civil laws of the city were abohshed. The great 
bell which had summoned the mayor, sherifls and 
communes, the peers and burgesses to their assemblies 
was melted. A cross was erected in the castle-yard, 
commemorative of the surrender of the city; and an 
order was made that on every returning 21st of N'o- 
vember there were to be a solemn procession and 

The heroic Guitou exclaimed against this perfidy: 
**llad I known that the King would have failed in 
his ])romises, he might have entered the city, but not 
while a single man remained alive within its circuit." 

The Cardinal left the city in its ruins and went from 
province to province, wherever the Huguenots had 
forces assembled or held cautionary towns. On the 
taking of Privos, a bloody execution followed. The 
strong town of Alez, terrified by the fate of Rochellc 
and Privos, surrendered. With great skill and firm- 
ness, the Duke of Ivohan held back the remnants of 
his party from separate treaties ; and in July, 1629, 
concluded terms of peace for the whole party; the 
King of England having concluded a separate treaty 
for himself. 


A royal Edict of grace and pardon was issued, pro- 
claiming the triumph of the King, the estabUshment 
of the Romish form of reUgion, and a desire that the 
Reformed would return to a church in which their 
ancestors had belonged : * ' What greater testmiony of 
paternal afiection can I offer than a wish to see all my 
children treading the same path of salvation which I 
myself pursue." 

The proscription of Rohan and Saubize was an- 
nulled ; all persons engaged in the late rebeUion par- 
doned ; and all the fortitications of the cautionary 
towns were to be thrown down within three months. 
The Edict of Nantes was declared to be the standard 
of the privileges of the Huguenots. 

Rohan retired to Venice and engaged in the service 
of that republic. The Huguenots abandoned all fur- 
ther opposition to the Cardinal by force of arms. The 
fall of Rochelle was the knell of all political indepen- 
dence in France. The Kino; was now absolute. In 
turn every noble, whether Romish or Reformed, was 
stripped of all sovereignty descended from immemo- 
rial ancestry; and the chalice, first presented to the 
Huguenots, was handed round and all compelled to 

Henry IV. laid the foundation for the glory and 
the ruin of his house ; Richlieu builded upon it wood 
and clay carved and moulded in magnificent forms ; 
forms which the poor Cardinal hoped would be gazed 
on forever ; but forms that fell and ruined his reputa- 
tion, as a statesman or churchman, forever. Truth 
was wanting ; and nothing but truth can stand the 

test of time. 



From the taking of Rochelle, 1628, to the death of Richlieu, late 
in 1642, followed by the death of Louis XIII., early in 1643. 

HAVING broken the political organization of the 
Huguenots, and established the strict construc- 
tion of the Edict of Nantes by the destruction of the 
fortifications of the cautionary towns, Richheu affected 
to esteem the Reformed as faithful subjects of the 
King, and confirmed to them their religious privi- 

The contest was now between him and the princes 
of the blood and the nobles of France. It was in- 
tense and protracted. The post of honour and influ- 
ence next the King was in the hands of Richlieu. 
The princes and nobles each wished it for himself ; 
and were all opposed first to Richlieu and then to 
each other. The success of the Cardinal, in holding 
his position for a succession of years was, in part, oc- 
casioned by J^heir dissensions. When united, they 
compelled Richlieu to give way. The King never 
loved him ; he could not be satisfied that his l^rime 
Minister should have an authority by the principles of 
his Church, from which there could not be an appeal 
even by himself. He bowed wilhngly to his t\vo fa- 
vourites, because he loved them and they did not pre- 
tend to control him. He dreaded and yet clung to 


Kichlieu. The arrogance of the Cardinal ofl'ended ; 
the talents of the ministers were necessary to cona- 
plete the poUtical organization of France as an abso- 
lute monarchy. 

Louis sympathized with the nobles of his court ca- 
balhng against a priest of comparatively ignoble blood; 
and he sighed for the uncontrolled dominion promised 
by the Prime Minister. 

The very success of Richlieu in his foreign negotia- 
tions, such as breaking off the Prince of Wales from 
the match with the Infanta of Spain, even after he 
had visited her in her father's palace at Madrid ; and 
binding him to France, and the Romish Church, by 
marriage with the sister of Louis XIII. , and conse- 
quently nullifying the aid the English nation designed 
for Eochelle; and opening a way to the very heart of 
the English nation for the Pope's missionaries ; his 
success in forming an aUiance of the maritime powers 
of Europe against Spain, the daughter of whose King 
was the wife of Louis XIII. , and the politics of whose 
court had, from the time of Henry II. , more or less 
controlled the politics of France ; his success in con- 
tending with the Pope's best supporters, the branches 
of the house of Austria, and calling the Protestant 
nations to aid him or stand neuter, and neither in- 
terfere in that struggle or move a finger, while he de- 
stroyed the Protestant strength of France ; all these 
things terrified the King, while the Cardinal was giv- 
ing pages to the history that should tell how France, 
under the Bourbons, rose to the great and giddy 
height to sink into the fiery vortex of the Revolution, 


the astonishment and pity of Europe and the world ; 
and yet he knew not how to live without his aid. 

The Cardinal, for years, was the master of France 
and the tyrant of his King. Richheu was fitted for 
the age of Louis XIII.; and the age of Louis XIII., 
with its weak King, dissipated court, and disjointed 
nation, was the very scene for the Cardinal. He 
seemed to know his time, and his place, and his work; 
despotism in the State and unity in the externals of 
the Church. 

Apparently husy in the gi'cat political movements 
of France, he appeared not to know that the meshes 
of destruction were drawing closer and closer around 
the temples and worship and" all religious privileges of 
the ILiguenots. No one saw, or dared pretend to see, 
the governing hand of the Cardinal working out the 
ruin of those religious privileges secured to them by 
that very Edict of Nantes he had promised to main- 

That Edict, drawn up at great length, in ninety- 
two articles, having an abundance of minute direc- 
tions, and provisos, and limitations, and explanations 
of things given and not given, promised and not pro- 
mised, of things to be done and things not to be 
done, was connected with a second part of fifty-six 
articles, correcting, and enlarging, and limiting, and 
confirming the first Edict. And to this was annexed 
what was named a brevet, securing the gratuity to 
the Reformed for the taxes they paid to the support of 
the Romish Church. And to these were added a 



lengthy explanation about the cautionary towns and 
other matters. 

In the appHcation of these one hundred and fifty 
articles, modifying and in a measure repealing each 
other, it was a very easy thing for the subordinates of 
the Cardinal to interfere with the rights and privileges 
of the Reformed, under plea of some article of the 

Some circumstance about a church building, or a 
burying ground, or a private house, or a pastor, 
might give a pretext for intermeddling and making 
trouble about the possession or enjoyment. And 
there were so many ways in which the case could be 
referred to courts in which the Protestants could hope 
for no redress ; and so many waj^s in which they 
might be debarred enjoying a righteous decision, that 
there is no wonder that with the disposition to disturb 
the Reformed in their religion, many cases of griev- 
ance occurred. 

Ostensibly immersed in great cares of State, and of 
his holy office, the Cardinal listened with apparent 
surprise, in which the King heartily joined, to the 
complaints of the Reformed. 

A brief sketch of the business brought before two 
National Synods will expose the acts and designs of 
the court and the honesty and sufferings of the Re- 
formed as a Church and the Huguenots as a body. 
Much that ought to have gone to his Majesty in an- 
other form found its way, after the breaking up of the 
political assemblies of the Huguenots, through the 
Church courts to the throne. Not because the Svnod 


wished it, but because the King willed it and neces- 
sity forced it. 

The Twenty-Sixth National Synod met at Charen- 
ton September 1, 1631, after an interval of five years. 
The interval and the meeting were both by will of the 
court, that is, of Richheu. Mestrezat, pastor of Paris, 

His Majesty's commissioner appeared with his Ma- 
jesty's warrant for tlie meeting : 1st. The King in- 
sisted on his device of 1623, directing a commissioner 
to attend, in his name, all the Synods and Colloquies; 
and a meeting without a commissioner was pronounced 
unlawful. The commissioner was to decide whether 
any business proposed was, or was not, proper to be 
considered by the meeting. 2d. The annual gratuity 
had been withheld ; but the King promised to pay the 
expenses of the meeting and the travelling expenses 
of the members. 3d. The King claimed the right of 
determining the length of time the Synod should sit. 
4th. He demanded that the preachers should not 
touch upon politics in their pulpits. 5th. lie declared 
the book of Beraud, defending the right of ministers 
to engage in war, was prohibited. 6th. lie demanded 
that no foreign born minister should be settled in 
France ; granting a dispensation, if desired, for those 
already settled, but forbidding the introduction of any 
more. 7th. Some members of Synod forbidden to 
take their seats ; upon the entreaty of Synod, were 
permitted to appear. 

The King, by his commissioner, claimed and exer- 


cised a supervision, and in some degree the direction 
of the ecclesiastical meetings of the Reformed. 

** The Confession of Faith was read, word for word, 
every article posedly and in its proper order, approved 
and signed by all the deputies who were sent and 
commissioned by the provinces ; and they did protest 
that they would live and die in the confession of that 
faith, that they would teach it unto their churches, 
and put to it their helping hand, that it might be in- 
violably kept and preserved to posterity." 

*'The whole book of the Discipline of the Church 
having been read over, the deputies of the provinces 
did, in their own name, and in theirs who had com- 
missioned them, sign it, promising solemnly that they 
would observe it, and see it exactly observed by their 
respective provinces. " 

Appeals from the Provincial Synods came up and 
were disposed of; cases requiring the attention of 
Synod received counsel and advice and direction ; the 
colleges and universities presented their accounts ; 
various petitions were answered. The division of the 
annual bounty could not take place, as the sum pro- 
mised year by year had not been paid for ^yq years, 
and there were some deficiencies on previous years. 
This act of ill faith greatly perplexed the Synod. 
Their regular taxes were required for the Romish 
Church, and their gratuity in return was withheld. 

As the first step to reduce by force the Huguenots 
as a political body, was taken in Bearne, the little 
kingdom inherited by Louis from his father, Henry 
IV. of France and Heu^v of N^avarre, Richlieu began 


to move against the National Synod of France, in the 
same quarter. 

A commissioner had been sent to be present at the 
Synod to be a spy and agent of the King ; but that 
was no more, ostensibly, than a measure of order and 

Communications with foreign churches by letters, 
or deputies, or giving and receiving pastors, had been 
prohibited by the King, as a measure of nationality 
necessary from the condition of Europe. But now 
the component part of the Synod in the bounds of his 
Majesty's dominions came under the review and de- 
cision of Richlieu. 

The deputies from the churches of Bearne had been 
admitted to a seat in the National Synod of France 
from the beginning, but with some relaxation of par- 
ticular rules concerning appeals. The laws of the lit- 
tle Idngdom required all appeals to be settled in the 
kingdom of Bearne by the Church authorities there. 
After the action of Louis XIII. abrogating the church 
laws of Bearne, and establishing the national religion 
of France as the religion of Bearne, and levelling her 
to the condition of a province in regard to religion, it 
was proposed, for the union and peace of the Re- 
formed, that the churches of Bearne should be con- 
sidered as being on the same footing with the churches 
in France proper. 

To this Richlieu, by the commissioner, objected. 
And in this National Synod he objected to the enroll- 
ment of the deputies of Bearne. The argument he 
used was, that by the laws of Bearne, made in the 


days of Jean De Albert, who set up the Reformed 
Church, it was determined that all matters of eccle- 
siastical concern should be settled within the State ; 
and that subjects living in Bearne could not withdraw 
themselves from the control of these laws ; and, con- 
sequently, they could not enlarge the bounds of ap- 
peals by taking them to the National Synod of France, 
whereas, by the laws of Bearne they were confined to 
Provincial Synods in Bearne. 

To this it was replied that the Reformed religion 
was no longer the State religion of Bearne ; and that 
Bearne was now under the same King as France, and 
the Edict of Nantes applied to them as well as the 
Reformed of France proper ; and there was no reason 
why the churches of Bearne should not be upon 
equality with the churches of France. 

The Synod decided that in receiving the deputies 
they had not supposed they went contrary to the mind 
and will of the King, * * but we did, as in duty bound, 
believe it a thing already granted by his Majesty." 

The final decision of the question was left open. 
At the next Synod the deputies were enrolled as rep- 
resenting a component part of Synod. But the ob- 
ject of Richlieu was obtained. He had fixed it as a 
principle in the mind of the King and his court, that 
the jurisdiction of the Reformed Church was at the 
will of the King and his minister ; and, consequently, 
her exercise of authority, and her very existence itself, 
was at the will of the King. 

The National Synod met but three times after this 
development. The King hated the Reformed as he 


did his mother. They had given him his life and his 
position. He had imprisoned her ; and wished to 
annihilate the Keformed, saying, ** A party that had 
power to give him the crown had power to take it 
away. " 

The Synod sent, by a committee, a paper to the 
King, in which they remind his Majesty of the Edicts 
he had made in their favour, and had ** placed in the 
rank and classes of fundamental laws of your king- 
dom, we most humbly supplicate your Majesty to or- 
dain that they may be exactly observed and punctually 
executed. " 

They state their grievances : 1st. Their churches 
desolated '* through the infelicities of the late trou- 
bles and the rigours of that decree made in your Ma- 
jesty's Council, the last May, out of favour to- the 
Lord Bishop of Valence." In Vivarets, twenty-nine 
churches were destitute of rehgious worship ; in Se- 
vennes, nineteen ; in lie and Oleron, twenty-four ; 
and seven other provinces were named as great suf- 
ferers. They say: **The provinces demand no new 
favour of your Majesty, but only what has been for- 
merly granted them by your Edicts." 2d. They state 
that in divers provinces many ministers were pre- 
vented from preaching according to the Confession of 
Faith and Discipline of our churches, even in mode- 
ration and according to their rights and privileges. 
3d. That the governors of provinces do very much 
hinder the meeting of Colloquies and Provincial Sy- 
nods by neglecting to appoint the commissioners re- 
c^uircd by his Majesty to attend at each meeting, de- 


laying, in some cases, the meetings for three or four 
years. 4th. That the Reformed are, for the most 
part, excluded and deprived of all offices, charges, 
pubUc dignities, of being doctors, and of forming col- 
leges of physicians, and are not suffered to be masters 
of those very trades and arts in which they have been 
educated. 5th. They ask for the deliverance of those 
who, for the late troubles, are on board the galleys in 
chams, as promised in the treaties and Edicts. 6th. 
The great deficiency in their annual gratuity. 7th. 
That the ministers in Bearne were deprived of about 
half their allowance made a few years since ; they 
being cut down from four hundred and eighty livres 
to two hundred and thirty-four. 

Professor Rivet, of the University of Leyden, was 
informed that, being a Frenchman, he could not, by 
the decision of the King, accept a settlement in the 
house of the Prince of Orange, but by permission of 
his Majesty. 

The King referred all the grievances to his minister 
Richheu, who may be considered the author of them 
all. With many compliments the Cardinal assured 
them that proper answers would be given after the 
Synod should adjourn. 

There were four universities in operation : one at 
Montauban ; one at Saumur ; one at Nismes ; and one 
at Die. Another at Sedan was under the direction of 
the Duke Bouillon. The Synod required particular 
attention to the Greek tongue, as on account of the 
poverty of the univessities there were not Professors 
of Greek or of the Hebrew; and the Greek was likely 


to be undervalued. The regents of tlie first and sec- 
ond classes were required to teach the Greek tongue 

The Cardinal, who understood all tlie grievances, 
and could have relieved them all at a word, pretended 
to be entirely engrossed with the great affairs of Eu- 
rope. The Emperor Ferdinand was aiming, like his 
great predecessor, Charles V., to unite the civil and 
religious power of Germany, in his own person, by 
reducing the Princes of the Empire and the Electors 
to the condition of grandees of Spain ; and to bring 
all the higher ranks of ministers of religion to the 
rank or condition of chaplains to the Emperor. The 
power which in France was fast passing into the hands 
of the King and the Cardinal, the Emperor of Ger- 
many desired to have centred in himself. The Em- 
peror and Eichlieu had the same object in view, in 
part, the centralization of power ; they differed in the 
circumstances. In France, Kichlieu would be head 
of the church ; out of it, he wished the Pope to be 
absolute head ; he would yield something to that su- 
premacy in France itself. 

As l^rime Minister of France, Richlicu must op- 
pose the colossal designs of Ferdinand. As the Em- 
peror began to encroach upon the Protestants in Ger- 
many, and would bring them and the Eomish Church 
into subjection, the Cardinal, while suffering the lie- 
formed to be op])ressed in France, interposed for the 
Protestants of Germany. The Emperor's designs 
were broken ; and the Cardinal cherished the same 
feelings to the Protestants in Germany and the Ee- 


formed in France. He desired and laboured for the 
destruction of both. 

The Twenty-seventh National Synod was held at 
Alanc^on, in Normandy, commencing its sessions on 
Wednesday, the 27th of May, 1637, after an interval 
of about six years. The interval and the meeting 
were both at the will of the court. Benjamin Bas- 
nage presided. 

A catalogue of the members was made out in full 
for the use of the Synod. In France and Bearne 
there were six hundred and twenty-six churches served 
by six hundred and forty-seven ministers, under the 
care of sixteen provincial Synods and sixty-three 

The Confession of Faith and the Form of Disci- 
pline were read in full, and reaffirmed. The usual 
course respecting appeals and matters of discipline 
was pursued. 

The King's Commissioner, the Lord St. Marks, in 
his speech, said the Reformed w^ere happier since they 
had lost the cautionary towns ; and called on them to 
be thankful for it ; and said that his majesty required, 
1st, that this Synod and the provincial Synods refrain 
from any foreign correspondence. 2d. That there 
shall not be appointed any deputies to communicate 
with the provinces about political affairs, because the 
Reformed are not a body politic. 3d. A Synod and 
churches may not correspond with each other upon 
ecclesiastical affairs. 4th. That the ministers preach 
that it is in no wise lawful, on any pretext, to rebel 
against the King, or to charge the government with any 


ill-design against your religion. 6tli. That in their 
sermons the niinisters should not use the words, ** tor- 
ments," ** martyrs," and ** persecutions of the Church 
of God." 6th. To refrain from calling the Pope 
'* anti-Christ," and believers in the Eomish forms 
** idolaters," or any scandalizing words, upon pain of 
silencing the ministers and dissolving the religious 
Church meetings. 7th. No books whatever to be 
printed till examined by t^^o ministers authorized to 
do it. 8th. That preachers preach only where they 
make their actual residence, and not make excursions 
to preach or have annexations — that is, more places 
of preaching than one. 9th. To refrain from taking 
the fifth penny out of the poors' box — that is, the 
Sal)]iath collections — for the maintainance of the 
Universities ; but permission is given, that on one of 
the twelve New Years' Days, the principal inhabi- 
tants of a town or Church may assemble and make 
out a list of those to pay the amount to be raised for 
salary and other expenses coming on the people, and 
the list be presented to the Judge Royal, and be 
authorized by him ; and any one taxed shall be com- 
pelled to pay by the laws of the land. 10th. That 
baptism performed by a midwife, or other person, by 
pouring water on the child, shall not be sempled, as 
that will lead to rebaptizing of no one knows how 
many. 11th and lastly. This list of greivances be 
labelled; "The Cahier and Memoirs of the Pre- 
tended Keformcd llehgion." 

Although Beanie was united to the Church of 
France, the King determined that appeals from the 


lower judicatories should be decided according to the 
arrangement made by the Queen of Navarre. 

The traffic in slaves Ijeing taken up, the Synod 
exhorts the faithful not to abuse their liberty, con- 
trary to the rules of Christian charity, nor transfer 
the poor infidels into other hands, besides those of 
Christians, who may deal kindly with them; and 
above all, may take special care of their precious im- 
mortal souls, and see them instructed in the Christian 

In their bill of grievances, sent to the King, the 
Synod puts the King in mind of what was promised 
by the 5th and 6th articles of his Edict at Nismes, 
July, 1629: *' Your Majesty, enacting a speedy and 
real restitution of the exercises of our rehgion in 
those places before mentioned ;" and then mention 
thirty-nine places by name, in which worship was set 
up in accordance with the Edict of Nantes, and were 
in the exercise in 1620, but are not yet restored. 
2d. It then mentions fifty-one places where the 
exercise has been removed since the troubles in 1626, 
and ask that it be restored. 3d. That liberty for a 
minister to preach in more places than one be restored. 
4th. The Synod asks that those burying-grounds, 
taken away before 1625, may be restored according 
to the Edict, of which they name eight ; and that 
those taken away since the Edict of 1629 may be 
restored ; of these they name nine ; and that the 
building and free use of the churches in those places 
may be restored, *' particularly at Auberne, where 
the inhabitants are constrained to bury their dead in 


wide fields ; and they will not permit more than thred 
persons to accompany the poor corpse unto that un- 
couth grave neither." 5th. The case of the Church 
at Alan^on is mentioned, where the people are fordid 
to bury in the yard at St. Bloxy, or in the suburbs, 
although by decree of his majesty on the 18th of last 
May the difficulty was to cease. 6th. The conduct 
of Lord Marchaut toward the Eeformed of Gex, in 
depriving them of their burying-ground, and their 
share of the common money, and of the hospitals. 
7th. The Synod calls attention to the fines laid by 
the parliament of Brittany on those that did not or- 
nament their houses or bring out tapestry on certain 
hohdays, whereas the Edict of Nantes only requires 
them to permit it to be done by others. 8th. Also 
the fines laid on certain persons (cases are named) 
who do not contribute to certain Komish churches, 
&c., from which they were set free by the Edict of 
Nantes. 9th. The Synod complains of taking away 
the children of the Reformed to be baptized in the 
Komish churches. (Cases are given contrary to the 
Edict of Nantes.) 10th. Also of interference with 
colleges and schools, contrary to the Edict of Nantes. 
(Cases are given). 11th. Also of the interdicting of 
the University of Nismes by Lord Caslinear, contrary 
to his majesty's decree in council for that, and for the 
University of Montauban, l^oth on the same principle. 
12th. The interdicting of Eeformed ministers dwelling 
in towns, (four are named,) contrary to the King's 
permission, and the Edict of Nantes. 18th. Some 
unjust taxes and imports are named. 14th. The 


Syuod entreats tlie dismission from the galleys of 
those who are detained there on account of the trou- 
bles of past times. 15th. It complains of assump- 
tion by inferior courts, of matters belonging to the 
court of the Edict. 16th. Also of the interdiction 
of the Reformed from various offices and stations, to 
which they are entitled by the Edict of Kantes and 
the Edict of 1637. 17th. Also of the assumption of 
power by the parliament of Navarre over the churches 
of Bearne, about appeals, and tolling of bells, &c. 
And 18th, and lastly, the Synod requests that his 
majesty will order all arrears for past years, due upon 
gratuity, given by the Edict of Nantes, to be paid in 
full, and continued punctually hereafter. 

To this list of grievances the King replied that '* as 
soon as your Synod shall be dissolved, we shall con- 
sider of the most favourable answer to be given." 

Monsieur Tertard, pastor of the Church of Blois, 
and Monsieur Amayrant, pastor of the Church and 
professor in the University of Saumur, came in per- 
son into Synod and declared : ** We understand from 
common fame, that both at home and abroad, and by 
the consultations and proceedings of sundry provinces ; 
and also from divers books written against us and our 
printed labours, that we are blamed for that doctrine 
we have published to the world. And we appear be- 
fore you to give account of it, and such explanations 
of our doctrine as the most reverend Synod shall 
judge needful, and to submit ourselves unto its judg- 
ment ; and consequently we demand its protection for 
the support of our innocence, and hope that this 


favour will not be denied to us, because we arc fully 
persuaded in our consciences, that we have never 
taught, either by word or writing, any doctrine repug- 
nant to the word of God, to our Confession of Faith, 
Catechism, Liturgy, or Canons of the National Sy- 
nods of Alez and Charenton, which ratified those of 
Dort, which we have signed with our own hands, and 
are ready to seal with our blood." 

The Synod heard these explanations in full of their 
teaching, respecting the atonement of Christ and the 
decrees of God, and pointed out some phrases which 
ought to be forborne, some which should be changed, 
and some from which they enjoined them to refrain. 
Respecting God's will *'that some of His strong desires 
are not done," the Synod enjoined caution. On the 
doctrine of faith, the Synod enjoined that nothing 
else should be called faith, but what comes from the 
word and Sjtirit of God. About man's ability or in- 
ability to believe unto salvation, and about the calling 
of God, the Synod enjoined prudence and caution, 
and that they be careful to teach *'that man is so de- 
praved by the fall that he cannot will any good with- 
out the special grace of God, which may produce in 
us, by the Holy Spirit, to will and to do according to 
His good pleasure." Messrs. Amyrant and Tertard 
having acquiesced, **and having sworn to and sub- 
cribed the Confession of Faith, the Assembly gave 
them the right hand of fellowship, by the hand of the 
Moderator, and they were honorably dismissed to the 
exercise of their respective charges. The discussion 
about the doctrine of these men did not cease in pub^ 


lie for a loDg time after this explanation to Synod. 
The whole matter came before Synod again after 
some years. 

Monsieur Ferrand in his speech to Kichlieu, when 
as a committee of Synod he waited on him, says, that 
he **is that intelligence who moves this admirable 
monarchy with the greatest regularity. " He professed 
everlasting allegiance to the King **bythe laws of 
birth and of conscience." He says the Reformed 
pray for the life of the King, "and yours, my lord, 
whom we reckon, next to God and the King, our Se- 
cret Sanctuary ;" and he asks deliverance from the 
violences, ** which do every day rob and spoil us of 
the King's favour." 

Richlieu went on moving the government with * ^the 
greatest regularity" towards the destruction of the 
Reformed Church, breaking down the nobles one by 
one, and sometimes by clusters, and curbing the power 
of the house of Austria. His last and finally eflec- 
tive struggle with the nobles was at the close of a life 
worn out by excessive action in the accomplishment 
of his ambitious projects. The Duke of Orleans had 
conspired with the Duke De Bouillon, Cinque Mars, 
Master of the Horse, and Monsieur De Thaer, to 
effect the ruin of the Prime Minister. The King was 
privy to the conspiracy, as far as it had special refer- 
ence to removing the Cardinal. He pro1)ably was not 
aware of the violence contemplated against the per- 
son of Richlieu. Nor was he aware of the treaty 
these men had made with Spain to assist in thwarting 
the political movements of the minister, and exposing 


France to inroads from Spain. The Cardinal knew 
of the conspiracy against him as minister, and the 
extremes the party had contemplated, if necessary, for 
his removal from office, by assassination. lie got cer- 
tain information of the treaty with Spain nearly at the 
same time the King was apprised of a disastrous route 
of part of his forces, by which his capital was exposed. 
In his alarm the King paid his minister a visit. 
RichUeu referred to the plot, and complained of the 
King's complicity. The King confessed his weak- 
ness. They became reconciled, liichlieu revealed 
to him the treaty with Spain, and demanded that the 
traitors should be summarily dealt with. The King 
assented. The minister proceeded immediately to 
arrest the conspirators, and cliarged their treason 
upon them. The Duke of Orleans was disgraced ; 
being the King's brother, the Cardinal dared not pro- 
ceed further in his revenge on him. De Thaer, son 
of the late president of the Council, was beheaded. 
Bouillon, to escape the same fate, compromised, and 
to save his life, gave up to the crown his little inde- 
pendent sovereignty of Sedan. Cinque Mars, who was 
the King's favourite, was beheaded. The Cardinal 
was extremely incensed with that young man. He 
had introduced him to the King in hopes that he might 
please his Majesty with his fine person, agreeable 
manners and conversation. The young man became 
presumptuous, and his success in pleasing the King 
made him arrogant. Richlieu rebuked him for some 
of his assumptions, and the young man became the 
sworn enemy of his patron, and urged on this conspi- 


racy to depose the Cardinal, by rendering him odious 
by ill success, or by assassination. He was but twenty- 
two years of age when he suffered for his unprinci- 
pled course. 

The elder Bouillon did not, like Lesdeguieres, turn 
to the Romish faith in his old age, to secure the re- 
ward for the destruction of the Huguenot party. He 
held to his faith as a member of the Reformed French 
Church. But in the fruits of his statesmanship, he 
found the error of its principles. He lost entirely 
that independent sovereignty he wished to maintain 
and enlarge for his descendants, and with it all he 
hoped to gain in political life, and all he ever hoped 
from admiration of posterity. Du Plessis Morn ay 
and Cohgny founded their statesmanship on truth and 
justice, between man and man, man and his King, man 
and his God. And their plans will always be admired. 
They were both unhappily deceived and betrayed by 
their Sovereigns, whose interest it was to keep faith 
with them, as the event has long ago proved. They 
knew they were right, they knew it was for the honour 
and welfare of their sovereigns and of France that 
the sacred oaths of majesty should be kept inviolate. 
They trusted and were betrayed. But their princi- 
ples will stand forever. Bouillon deceived himself. 
The King never promised him anything directly. He 
hoped for what the King did not wish him to have, 
and Richlieu had determined he should not have, and 
which was not for the good of France that he should. 
He temporized, divided, and ruined his party. The 
younger Bouillon fell in an indefensible effort to cast 


down the strongest power in France. We are told 
that the last days of the elder Bouillon, spent in re- 
tirement from court, were his best days; that his 
state of mind on the approach of death was more 
elevated and becoming than that of Lesdeguieres in his 
splendour and bigotry. 

Richlieu, wasting with an incurable disease, pressed 
on with renewed vigour as a warrior, and overthrew 
the adversaries of the King. Carried from place to 
place in a small chamber borne on men's shoulders, 
the feeble old man reached Paris. A breach was 
made in the walls for him to enter, triumphing, and 
yet dying. His last note to the King was scrawled 
with a trembling hand: **Your enemies are dead, 
and your troops are in possession of Ferpignon." His 
race was run. While he was engaged in the prepara- 
tions making for a general peace in Europe, he died 
on the 4th of December, 1642, aged 57, and left the 
balance of European power to be finished by other 

No one mourned for the minister, .the cardinal, or 
the man. The nobles had lost by his life, and gained 
nothing by his death. The King held the fruits of 
their subjugation. The Huguenots, as a political 
party, had felt his overcoming power in their divi- 
sions. The Keformed Church knew their privileges 
were, under God, in his hand, and had besought his 
clemency, and he had showed them the clemency of 
the tiger, sparing the victim till the gorged appetite 
craved another victim. The King lost a powerful 
minister that had made him a despotic King. But 


no success of the minister had won his master's heart. 
The master felt that the servant was his lord. 

Kichlieu held the dignity of cardinal for the space 
of twenty years. He had been coimsellor and prime 
minister to Louis XIII. eighteen years ; and died in 
possession of all his honours, and died rich. He had 
been ambitious of eminence. He sought it in theo- 
logical controversy, and was foiled by Pastor Du 
Maulin. He sought it in polite literature, and was 
flattered by some courtiers by a favourable compari- 
son with the poets that polished the language of 
France ; but his poetry could not live. He sought it 
as a political writer ; and literary men cannot decide 
w^hether the Testament Politique is his production or 
not. He sought it in the honours of his Church, and 
became cardinal, and as cardinal did nothing that 
any age has admired. The King was shocked ])y his 
private dissoluteness. He sought it in dress and court 
gallantry, and was laughed at by the ladies, and sur- 
passed by multitudes that thronged the dissipated 
court. He sought it in the gratifications wealth could 
give an ecclesiastic ; and alarming the King by his 
great expenditures he presented to his majesty the 
Palace Royal. He sought it in politics, and there 
gained an unenviable eminence. As counsellor and 
prime minister, he attracted the attention of France 
and all Europe. He knew all the ill in men, and 
had the powers of mind and disposition of heart to 
guide, seduce, deceive, govern, influence, oppose, and 
thwart it all for the accomplishment of his designs 
and his own advancement. He lived in a court ^nd 


with a King that appreciated those talents and that 
heart. The King gave him place and power, and 
rose with him in the overthrow of all harriers of po- 
litical liberty. He beguiled the nobles to permit the 
ruin of the privileges of the Huguenots, and then, 
one after another, they, divided and taken separately, 
fell an easy victim to royal prerogative. Last of all fell 
the Duke of Orleans and Duke Buillon. The politics of 
Eichheu were triumphant. He had begun to take away 
the rights and privileges of the Reformed Church ; 
and left the finishing work to his successors. **His 
enemies were dead, and he had taken France." No 
time was left him for contemplation of the past, or 
for planning schemes for the future ; his daj's were 
numbered. After the passage of centuries, there re- 
mains of Richlieu, for France, for science and litera- 
ture, the Botanic Garden, the French Academy, and 
the Palace Eoyal. 

Louis XIII. had the heart of his minister. Weak 
in himself, he was strong in Kichlieu's mind. He 
rejoiced in the success of his minister but five short 
months ; on the 14th of May, 1653, he passed from 
his throne to his tomb. He left nothing for posterity 
to admire. He had hated intensely all that was good 
and noble in France. He never had a truthful 
favourite. From his youth he had been taught by 
example and precept, that the policy of courts was to 
conceal most of the truth and express most of the 
false hi forms to be believed. Entire selfishness was 
the principle of his government and of his life. A 
stranger visiting his court would first see an assem- 


blage of beautiful, polite, refined women, tastefully 
clad in robes of splendour ; and of elegant, chival- 
rous gentlemen, soldiers and grave dignitaries, inter- 
mingling with respectful cheerfulness and refined 
etiquette, and over all an air of gayety and modesty 
and frankness combined. Let him listen to the pro- 
positions, declarations, and assignations, the schemes 
for promotion, and plans for the overthrow of rivals, 
the falsehood direct, and deceptions indirect, the 
meaning of words and gestures ; and he would go 
away feehng that the lascivious court of Henry IV. 
was less intensely wicked than the specious court of 
his son. 

Eichlieu expressed his views of religion in his last 
hours by saying calmly before he died, *'I have done 
nothing but what I thought advantageous to religion 
and to the state." Cinque Mars might have said the 
same, and with as much propriety. Both sought a 
court life, and both found it in France ; both found 
the favour of Louis XIII ; both were supremely self- 
ish, and required large expenditures to meet their 
indulgencies, and were both greedy of large incomes, 
and not very scrupulous of the sources and 
means; both deceived their patrons, Eichlieu in 
his first negotiation for the Queen with the young 
King, and Cinque Mars was false to Eichlieu ; both used 
deception and falsehood to carry their measures ; both 
wished to be prime minister ; both counted little on 
human life if it stood as a bar in their way ; both 
plead they wished well to France. Cinque Mars con- 
spired against Eichlieu, and the cardinal took off his 


head. The cardinal conspired against the nobles 
and put them down, against the Huguenots and 
robbed them of their privileges, and destroyed mul- 
titudes of loyal citizens, that loved the King more than 
he did, and said at last he had done all these things 
for the good of religion. 

Under the influence of Eichlieu, more or less di- 
rect, the number of Reformed pastors was lessened ; 
the number of congregations greatly lessened, and 
some have supposed that the great body of the Hu- 
guenots, by death and exile, were diminished one half 
from the remains of the Massacre of St. Bartholo- 
mew. Extortion, deception, falsehood, extravagance, 
sellishness and waste of human life under false pre- 
tences, consorted with his ideas of religion while 
livmg, and had his approbation when dying. 



From the death of Richlieu, 1G42, to the death of Mazarine, 1661 
— The last public bond of the Huguenots broken. 

MAZAEIN^E was an Italian. lie attracted the at- 
tention of Richlieu, when in his twenty-eighth 
year, by his diplomatic skill in negotiating a treaty 
between France and the Emperor of Germany, in 
1G30. He went to France as the Pope's nuncio in 
1634, and by his soft manners, tact in political busi- 
ness and despotic principles, both in Church and 
State, won the confidence of the King and his minis- 
ter. By their assistance he obtained a cardinal's hat 
in 1641, and by the death of Richlieu, the next year, 
he became counsellor to the King. At the death of 
his majesty, in a few months, he was named as one 
of the executors of his will, and guardian of the 
young King, then five years old. The royal widow, 
Anne of Austria, daughter of the King of Spain and 
Queen Regent of France, made him prime minister. 
Louis XIY. passed his minority under the influence of 
able men. The Duke of Orleans held the post of 
honour next the King and Regent, the cardinal was 
put in the council of state, and with them was asso- 
ciated Louis De Bourbon of the Cond6 line of the 
royal family, honoured for his great skill and success 
in military movements. The Great Conde. Apparently 


there was less concentration of power in one man in 
this court than in the times of Louis XIII. But 
Mazarine was the leading spirit in politics and reli- 
gion. He carried out the great plans of his predeces- 
sor. Less arrogant and combative, he was more sub- 
tle than Eichlieu. Simple in his equipage, plain in 
his hving, he accomplished his purposes more by ad- 
dress than by power. His desire of wealth was insa- 
tiable, and he would never lay aside his Italian habits. 
His rapacity and foreign notions made him many 
enemies. His principles preserved the friendship of 
the Queen Ilegent. Both the cardinal and the 
Queen felt the necessity of preserving the loyalty of 
the Huguenots, and though both were determined 
upon the ultimate destruction of the Reformed 
Church, they gave permission for the National Synod 
to hold its meeting after an interval of seven years. 

On the 26th day of December, 1644, the Twenty- 
Eighth National Synod commenced its sessions at 
Charenton, near Paris. Pastor Dulincourt, of Paris, 
opened the meeting with prayer, and Garrisoles, pro- 
fessor of Divinity and pastor of the church at Mon- 
tauban, was chosen Moderator. Lord Camont, the 
King's commissioner, in his speech, put the Synod in 
mind of the fact that the King, early in his reign, 
had confirmed to the Reformed the freedom of their 
religion, and lilicrty of conscience, according to the 
Edict of Nantes, with the safety of their persons and 
their enjoyment of their property and their churches. 
He called the attention of Synod to the success of the 
Duke of Orleans at Gravelin, and the victories at 


Roiray, Thiersville, Spiers, Worms, Mentz, and 
Phillipsburg, and the defeat of the Bavarian army in 
its trenches. All these were mentioned as having 
taken place under the Queen Regent, the Duke of Or- 
leans, the young King, and Mazarine. He declares the 
favour shown by the court to the Reformed: * * that there 
be of your religion in the kingdom persons of the highest 
quahty ; that there be among you most noble and illus- 
trious dukes and peers, marshals of France, generals 
of armies, governors and magistrates, and judges 
in sovereign courts, and your majesties, now this very 
day, out of that great confidence they have in your 
loyalty, have granted to you this assembly, at the very 
gates of the metropolis of the kingdom, in the very 
view of all France, and of this infinite people of all 
Paris, a people vastly ditterent from you in manners 
and religion, in humours and inclinations, who will 
be severe witnesses and judges of all your actions." 
He then proceeded to tell the Synod that none but 
natural born subjects, and those who are deputies 
from the provincial synods with letters, are to vote in 
the Synod ; that all political subjects and those which 
can be settled in the mixed courts, are to be excluded 
from the Synod, and not make part of their memorials 
to the King. He further informed them that the King 
forbid their sending their children to be educated in 
Geneva, Switzerland, Holland or England ; nor were 
any that had been educated in any of those countries, 
or their universities, to be ordained ministers, or ad- 
mitted as pastors. His Majesty, he said, greatly 
blamed various sentences in their Confession which 


bore upon the Eomisli Church, especially articles 24th 
and 28th, which his majesty cannot suffer to he sworn 
in the National Synod. These and other matters 
of the same sort and complexion, uttered in the 
name of the young King, are to be understood as the 
will of the Queen Kegent and Mazarine, the King 
being but yet a boy. 

The Moderator, in his reply, bowed in submission 
to his maj esty's commands in the general. In regard to 
the sentences in the Confession, he said, they were 
formed before the Edict of Nantes, and were well 
known to the Kings that had reigned ; that they were 
presented to Francis I. , as their reasons for desiring 
a Reformation, and it was not in the power of this 
Synod to change what had been so long, ever since 1559, 
and generally sanctioned. About sending their chil- 
dren abroad for education, which they had long prac- 
tised, he prayed they might be permitted tlie privilege 
allowed to other professions, which all sent abroad 
their students at pleasure. The letters received from 
the pastors and professors at Geneva, from T)iodat6 
about his translation of the Bible, from Revet, and 
three other professors in Leydon, were all, unopened, 
put into the hands of the commissioner, who having 
read them, permitted the Assembly to read them, and 
then sent the originals to the King. The Synod was 
informed that answers were not to be returned. 

In a letter to the young King — often referring to 
their prayers for him — the Synod declares : '* We be- 
lieve, sire, that God hath given you out of the trea- 
sures of his mercy, out of the riches of his grace, 


unto your France, to bring back unto us the golden 
age. We labour, and shall by the most signal tokens 
ot fideUty always labour, to render ourselves worthy 
of these favours ; and for that our lives, fortunes, and 
honours shall be all sacrificed with the greatest cheer- 
fulness in your majesty's service." 

In the letter to the Queen Eegent, the Synod says, 
the Eeformed ** are immovably resolved to live and 
die in your and his majesty's service — the dear son of 
your majesty, a King obtained of God by the common 
united supplications of all France." 

The Confession of Faith was read as usual, word by 
word, and signed by all the deputies for themselves 
and the provinces they represented ; and they made 
the solemn protestation that they would persist in it 
to their last gasp. This usual solemn asservation 
made so soon after the injunction to change some ex- 
pressions, was never overlooked by Mazarine. 

A form of baptism for Pagans, Jews, Mahometans 
and Anabaptists converted to the Reformed faith, 
with instructions covering six folio pages, was adopted 
by Synod. 

Permission was granted to some of the larger 
churches in the kingdom to handle the catechism on 
Sabbath by way of common places, or lectures, 
rather than by question and answers, and to assemble 
their grown youth on certain days preceding the com- 
munion for catechism ; and that other churches that 
cannot every Lord's day catechise their children, shall 
choose some week day for this exercise, especially 
before the Lord's supper. Provincial Synods to see 


to the careful fulfilment of this order. And the 
order in the Canons for explaining the books of Scrip- 
ture in their order from beginning to end, in the Sab- 
bath services, is to be understood as not forbidding 
the occasional use of texts from other books on par- 
ticular seasons, or as requiring to be carried out in 
the week day services. 

Complaint being made against Amyrant, Professor 
at Saumur, for publishing his book on Eeprobation, 
and some other subjects, contrary to the decisions of 
the Synod of Alangon, he appeared before Synod 
and made his defence, and was honourably returnd 
to his professorship. The Synod reenacted its orders 
on printing and disputing on mysterious and unpro- 
fitable subjects. '*And all students of divinity are 
most expressly enjoined, upon pain of being declared 
unworthy of ever serving in the sacred ministry, to 
raise any stirs or debates about unnecessary questions, 
(as concerning God's decrees, and of universal sal- 
vation,) points only propounded and advanced by pure 
curiosity, and for the exercise of men's wit." 

Information being laid before the Synod, that emi- 
grants from foreign countries, called Independants, 
were making settlements in the maritime provinces, 
and it appearing, after consideration, that the peculiar 
traits of these people, that each church and congre- 
gation should be governed by its own laws, without 
any subordination in ecclesiastical matters, were of 
an evil tendency, the Synod, ** fearing lest the con- 
tagion of this poison should diffuse itself insensibly, 
and bring with it a world of disorders and confusions 


upon us, and judging the said sect of Independentism 
not only prejudicial to the Church of God, (because 
as much as in it lieth, it doth usher in confusion, and 
openeth a door to all kinds of singularities and ex- 
travagancies, and barreth the use of those means, 
which would most efiectually prevent them,) but also 
is very dangerous unto the civil ; for in case it should 
prevail and gain ground among us, it would form as 
many religions as there be parishes and distinct par- 
ticular assembhes among us : all provinces are there- 
fore enjoined, but more especially those which border 
on the sea, to be exceeding careful, that this evil do 
not get footing in the churches in this kingdom ; that 
so peace and uniformity of religion and discipline may 
be preserved inviolably, and nothing may be inno- 
vated or changed among us which may in any wise 
derogate from that duty and service we owe unto God 
and the King." 

The Synod might have added, that it feared these 
emigrants would add to the grievous burdens the 
Eeformed already bore from a suspicious government, 
by aftbrding a pretext for the plea of disorganization, 
and promoting a greater number of small assemblies, 
particularly as restrictions were laid upon the old and 
well known meetings of the provincial Synods, Col- 
loquies and Consistories, that were bound by well 
known laws, and subject to the higher powers. Every 
thing in France was trembling before the unity of the 
despotic tendency of the government. 

A production of De La Place, setting forth the 
doctrine that original sin consists only in that cor- 


ruption wliich is hereditary to all Adam's posterity, 
residing originally in all men, and denying the impu- 
tation of the first sin, came under the consideration 
of Synod ; and the doctrine was condemned as far as 
it restraineth-the nature of original sin to the heredi- 
tary corruption of Adam's posterity, to the exclusion 
of the imputation of that first sin by which Adam 
fell. The Synod interdicted, on pain of church cen- 
sures, all pastors and professors, and others who shall 
treat of the question, departing from the common 
and received opinion of the l^rotestant Church. 
Colloquies, on receiving candidates for the ministry, 
were directed to require the candidates to subscribe 
and sign this act of Synod. 

Drelincourt, one of the pastors of Paris, received 
the thanks of Synod for his book on the worship of 
the Virgin Mary, as maintained by the Bishop of 
Bellay ; and he was entreated to consecrate the resi- 
due of his labours and studies to the edification of 
God's Church, and the confutation of its adversaries. 
De Artois, pastor of the Church of St. Hilary, was 
commended for his diligence in the preparation of a 
volume on texts of Scripture that seemingly difi:er ; 
and the examination of the book, and the printing 
was committed to the Synod of Poictou. Bernardin's 
work, in refutation of the annals of Baconius, was 
referred to the Synod of Lower Gnienne, to judge of 
its usefulness. Blondcl was requested l)y Synod to 
continue in the oilice of pastor in the city ; and was 
exhorted to hasten the publication of those treatises 
in divinity and history, the catalogue of which was 


read in Synod, particularly the treatises concerning 
priests and deacons, and the want of evidence that 
Peter was over at Rome. An annual pension of a 
thousand livres, to be paid regularly, was imposed on 
the provincial Synods for his advantage, according to 
an assessment made. Chauvernoun, Mestrezet, De 
Croy, Aubertin, and Daill6, were requested to fill up 
the few chapters left unfinished by Chamier in his 
great work. 

The University of Sedan, representing its prospe- 
rity since the principalities of Sedan and Rencourt 
were incorporated with the crown, the Synod ex- 
pressed its satisfaction, and declared that equal respect 
should be had to that Universit)^ with the four created 
in the kingdom. 

Particular attention was enjoined to the protest of 
Synod against the doctrine of transubstantiation ; and 
against any acts that may seem to imply respect to 
the Host. 

An injunction was laid on all those churches, 
** which enjoy the privilege of a priuting })ress," not 
to let any alteration be made in the Bible, Book of 
Psalms, Confession of Faith, Liturgy and Catechism, 
without an express order from the Consistory, which 
is authorized thereto by the provincial Synods. 

The loyalty of the Huguenots and the disengenuity 
of the court, are both most clearly developed in the 
intrigues and contentions about the possession and 
education of the young King, involvhig plans and 
intrigues about the crown itself to be placed upon the 
head of some one of maturer years, of another 


branch of the royal house, which cuhninated in the 
<*War of Fronde." De Ketz led the nobles in their 
discontent, on some sul)jects of taxation forced upon 
the attention of the parliament, by them rejected, 
and ending in the imprisonment of the president and 
councellor, by Mazarine. Violence ensued. Maza- 
rine, the Queen regent, and the young King fled to 
St. Germahi. Cond(3 raised forces and besieged Paris 
in favour of Louis XIV. and his minister. This 
rebel hon lasted for some years ; and though not 
bloody, was not settled till about the time the King 
came to his majority. In all the contentions and 
intrigues the great body of the Huguenots remained 
firm to the Bourbon hue, and to the reigning family 
of that line, and to the regency of the Queen Mother. 
The inhabitants of Kochelle resisted the rebels, and 
declared for the young King. The students of Mon- 
tauban raised with their own hands part of the forti- 
fications required to protect the forces of the King. 
Other villages, that had suffered under Louis XIII. , 
maintained their loyalty m this time of trial. The 
Keformed were convinced there was not cause for 
changing the succession to the crown from the grand- 
son of Henry IV. , whom their fathers had put upon 
the throne. And besides, a revolution did not, in 
any event, promise them any advantage. Had the 
Huguenots, in memory of their late disasters from 
the ministers of Louis XIIL, joined the rebel party, 
undoul)tedly there would have been a revolution. 
The Count De Ilarcourt acknowledged that the safe- 
guard of the State had been in the Protestants ; and 


said to the deputies from Montauban, <*The crown 
was tottering on the head of the King, but you re- 
estabhshed it." De Retz finally changed to be for 
the King, and Cond6 changed to be against him, 
exasperated by the neglect of the King after his great 
services ; and further irritated by Mazarine, who was 
jealous of the influence of Conde's great abilities and 
splendid actions. When Conde was in rebellion he 
served the King of Spain ; and urged Cromwell to 
join Spain against France. Cromwell treated the 
proposal as madness, and said : ** The Prince is sold 
by his own friends to the Cardinal." The reply of 
the Huguenots to the frequent questions put by the 
royalists, whenever they met, became the designation 
of the King's party. *^For which side are you — for 
the Frond(5?" ** So far from it, God save the King." 
And they were called, *'So-far-from-its." Mazarine, 
sensible of the services rendered by the Huguenots, 
said, **I have no complaints to make of the little 
flock ; and if it does graze on poisonous herbs, it, at 
least, does not sting." 

In 1652 the King passed his minority. The depu- 
tations of the Reformed were received with marks of 
favour by the young King, and his mother, and the 
prime minister. Soon local privileges were given to 
the provinces. The Cardinal spoke of the citizens of 
Montauban as his **good friends." An Edict, bear- 
ing date May 2d, 1652, confirmed more solemnly 
than before the provisions of the Edict of Kantes, 
revoking the subsequent arrests by which it was con- 
tradicted or limited, and ascribing its enactment to 


the assured proof of affection and fidelity of the Hu- 
o^uenots, under recent circumstances, to the great 
satisfaction of their sovereign. The Huguenots had 
reason to hope for favour from the grandson of the 
first Bourbon King. They had been the great power 
by which Heni^ IV. rose to the throne; they had 
preserved the succession to Louis XIIL , as he and 
his mother acknowledged ; and now to Louis XIV. 
they had been a defence and a helper, without whose 
aid he would not, by his own concessions, in human 
probability have remained upon the throne. They had 
a right to expect the same freedom in their religion 
as was granted by the first Bourbon, with additional 
privileges of a religious and civil nature ; for who 
more iaithful to the throne ? 

Before these difiiculties about the crown and reg- 
ency of France were brought to a happy close, the 
long disputed question of balance of power in Europe 
was (1658) finally settled by the famous Peace of 
Westphalia. "Whether it bore more resemblance to 
the plan of Henry IV., or that of Richlieu, or the 
one desired by Mazarine, is of less consequence than 
the fact, that the Protestant religion was recognized 
as a constituted part of the ceremony of the northern 
nations of Europe, and to be maintained with all its 
rights and privileges according to the treat}^ of Pas- 
sau, in 1552, and the deciaions of the Diet at Augs- 
burg, that followed as soon as convenient. The 
boundaries of France and Germany were adjusted ; 
the great plans of Charles V. , for which he wasted 
his life, were abandoned. Popery was not the 


sole form of religion in Europe, even among the 
southern nations ; for Holland and Switzerland were 
acknowledged independent Protestant powers, and 
the politics of Europe settled down upon that basis 
which remained for centuries ; so that England with 
her fleet, and isolated position, held the balance of 
power in her hand, and became "the bulwark of the 
Protestant faith." 

France and Spain continued at war for some years, 
on matters that little concerned the rest of Europe. 
Agreeiufi^ on the principles of despotism, both in re- 
ligion and in the State, they were brought to har- 
monize, at last, by a treaty of concord, and the 
marriage of Louis XIV. with the infanta of Spain. 
This final adjustment of the state of Protestantism in 
Europe encouraged the loyal Huguenots to hope for 
their rights and privileges in France. 

These good hopes were destined soon to be dis- 
turbed. The massacre of the Yaudois, in 1655, by 
some French troops in the employ of the Duke of 
Savoy, filled the Reformed in France, and throughout 
all Europe, with distress and indignation. Letters 
were addressed by the secretary of Cromwell, John 
Milton, to the Duke of Savoy, the King of France, 
Cardinal Mazarine, the King of Denmark, the Gen- 
ovese, the United Provinces, the evangelical cities of 
Switzerland, and to the King of Sweden, in solemn 
remonstrance against what was believed to be a gen- 
eral conspiracy for the extermination of the Protestant 
Church, ** which, though first begun upon the poor 
and helpless people, threatens all that possess the 


same religion, and therefore imposes upon all a 
greater necessity of providing for themselves ;" and 
calling on all to combine against the Duke of Savoy. 
The attention of the world was turned to the Vaudois 
and their persecutor, with the deep conviction that 
Cromwell was fully able to accomplish what he pro- 
posed. Louis XIV. disavowed the acts of his troops, 
reprimanded their officers, and admonished the Duke 
of Savoy to forbear. 

Another alarm came upon the Huguenots. The 
Romish clergy obtained an Edict, dated July 18th, 
1656, explaining the Edict of May '52, annulling the 
favourable clauses, by declaring the previous acts re- 
pealed in 1652, to be all valid. It promised that, on 
account of innovations, said to have crept into the 
exercise of the Reformed religion, the King would 
send two commissioners, one a Catholic and the other 
a Huguenot, into each province to reform abuses. 

The alarm was increased by an Edict issued July 
25th, 1657, forbidding the meeting of Colloquies. 
These were necessary for the ordaining of ministers 
and the discipline of the Church. The reason as- 
signed for the Edict was that it might be abused 
for political purposes, particularly as commissioners 
had not been appointed to attend upon and regulate 
the meetings, as had been done for the Synods. Ten 
deputies, elected by the Synods, waited on the King with 
a remonstrance. Permission was with difliculty ob- 
tained for its presentation. Vague and unsatisfactory 
answers were returned by the King and Cardinal. 
Promises were made that the Edict of Nantes should 


be observed, provided the Reformed showed them- 
selves worthy by their loyalty. Tliis was a grievous 
insult to the loyal Huguenots, after all they had done 
for the Bourbons. 

The ecclesiastics were iilling the ears of the King 
with the cry that had disturbed Louis XIII., under 
Richlieu — that it was true, that the Huguenots had 
maintained the crown for his majesty, but this showed 
the strength of the party ; and the same party that 
put the crown upon his head, might, by change of 
circumstances, take it off; the party, therefore, was 
too strong, and ought to be reduced or destroyed. 
No services of the past, no faithfulness in principle 
or action, could satisfy the unreasonable suspicion of 
an arbitrary King, guided by an arbitrary prime 
minister. The party strong enough to do a thing, 
might do that thing, notwithstanding all their princi- 
ples or previous course, and must be treated as if they 
had done the evil they might do. 

Cromwell, in 1658, hearing of the designs of the 
Duke of Savoy against the Vaudois, sent a second 
remonstrance by his secretary, Milton, to the King of 
France. Cromwell soon died. The war with Spain 
was settled by treaty ; and the King was relieved of 
his fears of foreign intervention. He had time to 
perfect the schemes of Mazarine for the ruin of the 
Reformed Church, against whom his jealousies had 
been more inflamed by the intervention of Cromwell 
for the Vaudois branch of the Protestant or Reformed 
Church. He yielded to the principles of Mazarine — 
that there should be but one Church and one King in 


France, with one prime minister the head of the 
Gallican Church. 

After an interval of fourteen years, Mazarine per- 
mitted the Reformed to hold their Twenty-ninth 
National Synod, intending it should be the last. 
His plans were ripe ; and their destruction near. 

It commenced its sessions at Loudon, in the pro- 
vince of Anjou, the 10th of ISTovemher, 1659. Pas- 
tor Daill6 was chosen to preside. The Lord Marquis 
Ruvigny, the general deputy at court, read the 
King's commission for holding a Synod, on the usual 
conditions of avoiding all subjects not warranted by 
the Edicts, and that his Majesty's commissioner should 
be present at all their meetings. The Lord De Maz- 
aline, Councellor to his Majesty, then read the patent 
of the King, appointing him commissioner. In the 
usual opening speech, he put the Synod in mind, that 
the favour of its meeting was due to his Majesty's 
clemency, and particularly to the ** kindness and jus- 
tice of his Majesty's first and principle Minister of 
State, his eminency the Lord Cardinal Mazarine." 
He calls on the Synod, as a representative body, to 
promote greater peace and union among themselves 
and the body they represent; and warns them, as they 
had lost the fortresses and forces in which they had 
trusted for defence, their only refuge was in the King's 
clemency, particularly as he and the majority of the 
nation **do not in the least approve of your religion ; 
and you know by good experience that there i's noth- 
ing more expedient, or advantageous for you, than 
entire submission to his Majesty's commands ; and 


next, and immediately after God, that you should 
depend upon the King's sovereignty." He then 
stated : 1st. That they were not to make a demand 
of the King for a political assembly, for the election 
of a deputy commissioner. 2d. That the General 
Deputy, the Lord Ruvigny had been permitted to 
take his seat in Synod and enjoy all the privileges of 
his predecessors. 3d. No secular matters of any 
kind to be debated. 4th. No assembly to be held, 
little or great, by day or by night, but in my pres- 
ence. 5th. They were expressly forbidden in their 
sermons and in their books to apply the word, anti- 
Christ to the Pope, or call the members of the Rom- 
ish Churc-h, idolaters, nor apply the words, abuse and 
deceits of Satan, to the Romish religion, '*his Maj- 
esty not being able to suffer that such words should 
be sworn in this Synod." 6th. In all attestations 
given to candidates or ministers, the place of their 
birth shall be inserted, as foreigners may not be ad- 
mitted into the ministry on any condition. 7th. That 
persons that have pursued their studies in Geneva, or 
Switzerland, England, or Holland, are to be debarred 
the ministry. 8th. All letters to the Synod to be 
opened and read by the commissioner, and no letter 
from foreigners to be read before Synod. 9th. A 
sermon to be preached before Synod on the unlawful- 
ness of taking arms against the King, their sovereign, 
on any account. 10th. His majesty requires the 
Reformed, instead of presenting grievances, to amend 
their own w^ays, and designates two ways in which 
there may be amendment, the setting up of ministers 


in forbidden places and the opposition of parents to 
having their children educated in the Komish colleges, 
and the using of the poor's money to other uses. 
11th. His Majesty propounds, that for the future all 
'power shall he given to the 'provincial Synods '^forknoiv- 
ing, regulating, and, tenninating affairs lohich nmy fall 
out in the provinces of this Jdngd,om., the cognizance lohereof 
did only formerly belong unto those National Synods, ivhich 
his majesty is resolved shall never he held any more hut 
when as lie thinks 'fueet.^^ 12th. Tliat no matters of a 
religious nature, except that which concerns the prov- 
inces, he debated in this assem1)ly in any manner 
and form ; and that letters sent by deputies abroad 
about matters abroad shall not be read in Synod. 
13th. That writings of what quality soever concern- 
ing foreign countries not under his majesty's jurisdic- 
tion are forbidden the Synod, nor may they be pub- 
lished nor spread abroad in Loudon. Slioukl such 
papers be found they are to be carefully suppressed. 
14th. No book treating of the Protestant Reformed 
religion, whether printed within or without the king- 
dom, to be vended by any one **till they have been 
first approved by two ministers of this kingdom." 
15th. That no general fasts be appointed. 16th. 
That the meeting of Synod be short. 

Daill6, the Moderator, in reply, in the name and by 
the advice of Synod, stated — 1st. That the a]>point- 
ment of Ruvigny as general deputy was very agree- 
able to Synod, and his commission had been approved. 
2nd. That the debates in Synod should be as usual, 
confined to ecclesiastical afiairs ; and all debates on 


these matters would be held in Synod in his presence. 
3rd. That the Synod hoped that the King would not 
oppose the long established custom of holding a fast, 
as the Eeformed prayed for the perpetuity of the suc- 
cession in his majesty's family. 4th. That the words 
anti-Christ, idolatry, deceits of Satan, were found in 
their Confession, and were words that gave the reasons 
for the separation from the Church of Rome, and for 
the doctrines maintained in the worst of times — 
** which we are fully resolved, through the aids of 
divine grace, never to abandon, but to keep faithfully 
and inviolal^ly to the last gasp. " 5th. The Synod asks 
that those born in the kingdom and ** educated hi com- 
monwealths might be permitted to exercise their min- 
istry in the kingdom." 6th. All letters to the Synod 
to be read by the commissioner, but the Synod hopes 
his majesty will suffer them to hold communions and 
correspondence with the brethren on matters concern- 
ing the Reformed religion. 7th. The Synod professes 
submission and loyalty to his majesty for whom the 
Reformed pray in all their assemblies. 8th, and 
complains that the Reformed are blamed for educating 
their children according to ancient custom, in the reli- 
gion of their fathers. 9th. An explanation is given 
of the use made of the poor's money — that is, the 
money collected at the close of their public worship. 
10th. The Synod objects strongly to the proposition 
of doing away with the meetings of the National 
Synod — and declare that there are great difficulties in 
the way of making the Provincial Synods courts of the 
last resort. 11th. Request was made that his majesty 


permit correspondence with neiglibouring churclies on 
matters of religion and discipline, as had been per- 
mitted in former reigns, particularly with those nations 
in league with France. 12th. About the duration of 
Synod, request was made for time to transact the great 
amount of business accumulated in the fourteen years 
since the last Synod. 13th. The Synod professing 
loyalty for themselves and the Eeformed as French- 
men, and as Reformed holding a purer religion, ex- 
press desires for the long life and prosperity of his 
majesty, for a blessing on his intended marriage, for 
the continuance of the crown in his family, for the 
success of his arms, and for the perpetuity of his king- 
dom. 14th. The Moderator declared that in the very 
first sessions of Synod the commissioner would see 
every member subscribe the Confession of Faith. 

The usual letters of compliment passed l)etween the 
Synod and the court. Mazarine's reply was brief and 

The Confession of Faith being carefully read, as was 
customary at the opening of the sessions, was signed 
by all the deputies, who, for themselves and their 
provinces, protested that they would persevere in the 
inviolal^le profession till death. 

This Synod continued its sessions till the 10th of 
January, 1(300, two calendar months and one day. 
A great amount of bnsiness of the ordinary kind accu- 
mulated in the course of fourteen years, was disposed 
of according to rule, and due record made. Were 
there no other record left of the doings of the National 
Synod, their habits of business and principles of legis- 


lation might be gathered from this meeting ; there was 
some case illustrating the principles of discipline and 
government in all their forms and applications, except 
gross immoralities, to be found in the lengthened 
docket. Besides the common business, there was 
some of lasting importance. 

The minutes of the Synods of Charenton and Alan- 
9on, respecting the doctrines of Amyrant and Tertard, 
were readopted. Gualtier was commended for his 
finished work on the Discipline of the Church ; and 
was encouraged to finish the one begun on the Har- 
mony of the Articles of the Confession of Faith, Lit- 
urgy, and Church Discipline, with those of the Ancient 
Church, and especially with the decisions of the Gali- 
can Church. The order of giving in the vote of Synod 
was fixed to be regularly — first, the Moderator shall 
first give his opinions on the matter in hand ; next, 
the scribe that is a Pastor, and then the scribe that is 
an Elder, and afterwards in order all the ministers and 
elders present ; second, after this the Moderator shall 
collect the votes and give his own last. An appoint- 
ment for a general fast was made ; and steps were 
taken to promote the better observation of the Sab- 
bath in places where it has been profaned. 

The Synod reiterated its injunctions, made at the 
last meeting, to those entrusted by the Provincial 
Synods, with the responsibility of printing Bibles, 
Psalm-books, Catechisms, Confessions of Faith, Dis- 
cipline and Liturgy, to use the greatest care to prevent 
any alterations by carelessness or design in any part 


of those books ; and that the new editions be exact 
copies of the standard works. 

The condition of the four universities, Saumur, 
Montauban, Nismes and Die, was carefully reviewed 
and examined, and the morals and habits of the stu- 
dents carefully attended to, and such arrangements 
made as the circumstances re(|uired. 

The injunctions for a strict observance of the Sab- 
bath were of the most stringent kind and contrast with 
the examples around them, most favoural)ly, the mean- 
ing of the Reformed in keeping the Sabbath day holy. 

The Synod adjourned to meet again in three years 
at the will of his majesty. But according to the inti- 
mation of the Cardinal, the King never gave permis- 
sion ; and the Synod never again met. The temper 
of this last meeting was dignified, mild, and resolute. 
It was such as became the last sessions of the highest 
judicatory of the Keformed French Church, no mourn- 
ings, no lamentations, no threatenings, no repinings, 
no pretensions to resignation, no giving up of rights 
and privileges, no compromises. The Confession of 
Faith and the Discipline, unaltered, a testimony against 
the errors of Popery, and a declaration of the truth in 
Christ, were reaffirmed and signed with solemn pro- 
testations. The universities carefully examined ; the 
best measures the case admitted to preserve exact 
copies of the Bible, Psalm-books, Catechism, Confes- 
sion, Discipline and Liturgy, were adopted, and the 
usual solemn fast appointed. The presiding officer, 
])aille, was the author of The Ru/ht Use of the Fathers. 
Among the members was Bochart, whose learned 


folios, Hieroroicon, and Phaleg, and Canaan, enrich 
our libraries. Others were eminent as preachers or 
ooiiDcillors. The Synod having rendered unto C?esar 
the things which are Csesar's, and unto God the things 
which are God's, parted without fear, having done a 
good work for the churches, and in their records, un- 
intentionally raised to themselves a memorial of their 
loyalty to their earthly sovereign, and ol^edience to 
their heavenly King. 

Cardinal Mazarine, having broken the visible bond 
of union of the Reformed Church, and as far as pos- 
sible dissolved the smaller bonds that encircled prov- 
inces and neighbourhoods, and having left the church 
to be held together as it had been a century before, 
by a common faith, a common worship, a common 
discipline, a common catechism for their youth, a com- 
mon confession of sound words and a common Bible 
with a common Psalm-book, having assisted to turn 
them from man to God, from earth and its treasures, 
which he had in abundance, to heaven ; finished his 
life in a httle more than a year, dying March 15th, 
1661, at the age of 59. As an executioner of the 
Reformed Church, he was more gentle in manner than 
Richlieu, not less bitter in spirit, or less determined 
in action. Avarice was his ruling passion, and his 
accumulations are reported to have been at least 
8,000,000 of pounds sterhng. He left no work or 
design of national importance, and had kept his king, 
who was his word, in as much ignorance as possible 
on things most important for a king to know — the 
principles of truth and justice — and had taught him 
to govern by deception and force. 



The Reformed Church of France, from the Death of Mazarine, 
March 9th, 16G1, to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Oc- 
tober 18th, 1G85. 

THE morning after the death of Mazarine, the King 
assembled his council, and at once silenced their 
anxieties and expectations with a short speech: **I 
have called you together to say that, though hitherto 
I have been well satisfied that my government should 
be conducted by the late Cardinal, I intend henceforth 
to govern it in my own person. You will assist me 
with your advice when I demand it." The council 
was dismissed. Mazarine had educated him to be a 
despot. His contemporaries complained of the Car- 
dinal that he had never taught the young King to 
govern himself and his kingdom by religious or moral 
principle, or motives of national policy and statesman- 
ship. He had left him to grow up a liandsome, fas- 
cinating prince, in a lascivious court. His intercourse 
with the assembled ladies polished his manners, and 
gave him that air and presence so charming to all that 
approached him. He knew how to allure and how to 
repel by his attitudes and countenance. His will and 
pleasure governed the court. 
Mazarine followed the policy begun by Henry IV. 


of enticing the noble and talented Huguenots to the 
court, and if possible to assuage their opposition to the 
religion of the court, by attentions and honors ; im- 
proved by Eichlieu, by breaking down all nobles of 
any religion who claimed, by inheritance or gift, any 
independence of the crown, and by destroying every 
vestige of freedom and independence in the Huguenot 
party, and at the same time alluring by all means men 
of learning and influence to become reconciled to the 
Church of Rome ; and carried out by himself with all 
his arts and influence of position, by adding disabilities 
and dishonour and pei'plexities to all of every grade 
who maintained the doctrines of the Reformation. 

The King was left in that state of mental education 
which best fitted him to consign the care of his con- 
science to his confessor and the oflicers of the Church 
of Rome. Despotism in the government of his king- 
dom, and submission to Rome in matters pertaining 
to salvation, were the great qualities of a king, accord- 
ing to the teachings of Mazarine. Louis never loved 
the Cardinal. All obligations w^iich the King might 
have once felt for his vigorous and successful eflbrts 
in maintaining, through a long and exposed minority, 
his right to the crown, were as speedily and as com- 
pletely forgotten as the oft acknowledged services of 
the Huguenots, who had acted in concert with the 
minister for the lawful King during his minority. 
Louis had never been taught gratitude to man or God. 
Born king, he was taught his importance to the wel- 
fare of the State. When Mazarine was dead he felt 
himself delivered from all obstructions to his will ; 


and, declaring he would govern according to his own 
wishes, he took tlie position which he maintained 
through life — **/ am the State.'*^ 

To this conceded principle, to which all his inter- 
course with men tended, he proceeded now to add 
what Eichlieu and Mazarine both coveted, **I am 
head of the Church in France." He had his cardinals 
and bishops, who would gladly have relieved him of 
the labour of governing, but would have no more 
Kichlieus or Mazarines. His kingdom, after a cen- 
tury of conflict, was united under one crown of unlim- 
ited authority, and he would not be reminded of ever 
having been weak by calling another master to his 
cabinet. What Henry YIH. , of England, claimed, 
Louis XIV. asserted as his right — head of the Church 
in his kingdom. He was resolved that church of 
which he was head should be an unit. He could not 
be a Huguenot in truth and maintain his course of 
life. The doctrines of the Reformed condemned him ; 
they gave him no hope in this world or the world to 
come, but upon entire reformation, and he would not 
'reform. His confessor and the ecclesiastics pressed 
him to two things — either leave off his sins or do 
penance. He preferred the latter provided it did not 
involve the former, and the latter was accepted on a 
kingly style for himself and court. He did great 
things for the church of which he was head, and for 
the clergy who were his servants. Satisfied with this 
arrangement for himself and court, he acted on it 
throughout his long life, and as he approached his end 
he said to the cardinals — Bissey and Rohan, and hia 


confessor, Father Le Tellier,— ^** On you, as my spir- 
itual adviser, 1 devolve all my responsibilities, as I 
have followed your guidance. You must answer to 
the Supreme Judge." 

Louis XIV. resolved there should be unity in the 
Church of France, and the church of his choice 
should embrace all France. It was his will. How 
could it be resisted. His means and efforts to bring 
the Reformed to coalesce with the Catholic Church, 
ending in the revocation of the Edict of Nantes and 
dispersing in a short time half a million of French- 
men to the difierent Protestant nations, in addition to 
the many thousands already forced to leave their 
native soil, are worthy of a condensed detail. 

1st. The talents and treasures and beauty of France 
were at his control, and he used them with success. 
Where offers of court favour and emolument failed to 
attract the older Huguenots of wealth and standing, 
the children of the family were if possible allured to 
court. Youno; men were associated with beautiful and 
accomplished heiresses ; and young ladies brought 
into society with the young nobility, all of whom un- 
derstood well, that the way to the peculiar favour of 
the King was to secure the conversion to Rome of 
one at least of these. A young member of the court 
might be smitten with the personal excellence and 
wealth of a Huguenot heiress. He becomes passion- 
ately in love ; but he is a Romanist ; he cannot marry 
•a heretic ; if his lady love would only renounce her 
heresy, he would be blessed in her love. If her affec- 
tions have been gained and her sense of religion not 



strong, the steps were easy and rapid. To believe it 
made no difference what form of religion a man pro- 
fessed if he was sincere ; better to be a devotee of 
Rome than not religious ; to consider the question of 
conversion ; to hear arguments ; to read books ; to 
converse with a priest ; to attend mass ; to go to con- 
fessions ; to profess faith and be absolved. 

Or if the young Huguenot became fascinated by 
the charms and arts of a young heiress of Rome, all 
things were hasting to the desired conclusion. But 
suddenly, as if just called to mind, the duties and ob- 
ligations of a devotee of the blessed Virgin would 
awake the slumbering conscience of the lady love. 
And then arguments and persuasions and enticements, 
and accidental conversations with some learned con- 
fessor, and strong desires for the conversion of a 
soul from heresy to the true church, the unpossibility 
of becoming a Huguenot, and the reference to the 
fact that able Reformers had admitted that a Roman- 
ist inigJit be saved, while the advocates of Rome de- 
clared that a heretic could not, therefore it was safest 
to be in the Church of Rome, that the court with the 
King at the head was Romish, and the Huguenot 
was shut out of court employ and position in the 
army, the place for gentlemen. If a young man was 
not well grounded in his religious belief, there was a 
prospect he would be induced to abjure. In the 
letters and diaries of the day, references are made to 

this process of conversion. **The young Duke ' 

has been going every day since Ash- Wednesday to read 
with the heiress , and have discussions in her 


parlour. It is confidently expected he will abjure. 

is ambitious of making him a convert, and is 

very persuasive." Sometimes a presiding genius of 
the court would assume the work of converting a 
heretic, and make use in connexion with arguments 
and raillery and inuendoes, of the name and pros- 
pects of some fair heiress to help on the abjuration of 
heresy. The smiles of the King accompanied and 
followed these assiduous labours. 

2nd. Places of power and trust were suggested by 
some courtier as being evidently in the power of this 
or that young man, if there were any surety that he 
were of the Romish religion, or even if he thought 
lightly of the Reformed. Sometimes the abjuration 
preceded the honour, sometimes when a resolute sub- 
ject was to be gained, the honour came first. And 
then would follow the intimation, **how agreeable it 
will be to his majesty to hear that you approve of the 
ritual of his national church ; it would open the way 
for higher honours.'* And this followed by some kind 
speech of his majesty in person, or the report of one 
as made by him, conveyed by some officious courtier, 
or lady of the Queen. The office of foreign minister, 
or commander of forces, of necessity, as was repre- 
sented, called for a person who could represent 
his majesty in politics, and arms, and religion. 
Not that in cases of emergency an able minister or 
commander would be rejected for failing in the re- 
quisite of being a Romanist ; but it would be spoken 
of as a great condescension in the King that he waived 
the matter of religion in that case. 


3d. Literary men of all classes were invited to 
court and patronized by the King. Occasionally the 
patronage was ample, generally it was small and con- 
tingent. Occasional great gifts were the lure to all, 
and actually made to some few remarkable cases. 
Poems, treatises of literary merit, and volumes large 
and small, that extolled the King and his church, met 
with their reward. Able men were personally invited 
to court, ancf men of less or no real merit flocked 
there in hope of success of some sort. Men of great 
reputation were sure of a welcome, but more partic- 
ularly if there were hopes of their conversion. Great 
offers were often made to Huguenot pastors to induce 
them to devote their abilities to propagating the court 
religion, under the appearance of a compliment com- 
ing from the King ; that he had heard favourably 
about them, and would be glad to do them a favour 
and employ them. And then shutting up all avenues 
to advancement to those who remained firm in the 
Reformed doctrines and practice, the King frowned 
upon them as the enemies of his court and kingdom. 

4th. Men of talent in the Romish Church were 
brought forward to display their talents in the pulpit, 
or to speak to the pubUc through the press. The 
court preacher was lauded extravagantly. It was the 
fashion of the court to give him crowded audiences. 
The Lent sermons produced apparently great effects. 
The audiences wept and trembled under the appeals to 
penitence and confession and prayer. Pulpit oratory 
was in the highest demand. No pains were spared to 
obtain it at court. High ecclesiastical offers with large 


incomes were the rewards. The greatest efforts were 
made to rival the Reformed in the number of the au- 
diences, and in the power and effect of the sermons. 
The Reformed called for abjuration of sin, the Romish 
called for confession and penance. And both were 
answered by their audiences. Salvation was pro- 
claimed. Salvation was sought for. Salvation was 
promised, in the one case, that he that confessed and 
forsook his sins should find mercy ; in the otfeer, con- 
fession and the rites of the church were to cover all 
transgressions by the intercession of the Virgin and 
countless saints, and the merits of the whole Church 
of God, In the one case, simple faith in Christ, he 
that believeth shall be saved ; in the other case, the 
works of men were associated with the work of Christ 
and sometimes supplanted it entirely. In the reign of 
Louis XIV. pulpit eloquence on these two diflerent 
principles was carried to the highest pitch. The palm 
of excellence has been given and will be given to one 
side or the other, to the Reformed, or the Romish, 
as one favours the leading characteristics of either 
church. That Bordalaue and Bossuet and Massilon 
should differ from Claude and Du Bosc and Abaddie, 
in style, manner and sentiment is readily accounted 
for, besides the physical difference of the men, from 
the difierent arguments they presented to the judg- 
ment, the difierent motives they presented to the af- 
fections and passions, all tending in the one case to the 
glorification of mother church, and in the other to 
the exaltation of the Son of God. And were these 
men and their compeers to come before the American 


people to-day, the effects of their preachiag would be 
as different as in the reign of Louis XIV., and men 
would admire the one or the other, according to their 
standard of oratory, and more particularly of Chris- 
tian doctrine. 

That all these, measures were brought to bear upon 
the Reformed is a matter of record. And that there 
was success with the noble families is also true, and 
must be set down to the w^eakness of human nature. 
But that all these means continued for years on years, 
could have prevailed to change the mass of the Hu- 
guenots, the King did not believe, and he resorted to 
arbitrary power and to force. Assured of the loyalty 
of the Eeformed, he feared no rebellion in favour of 
another branch of the royal line. Commanding the 
army and the resources of a great nation, he dreaded no 
uprisings of desperate men, goaded on by their mise- 
ries. His courtiers knew and humoured his desires. 
His agents and officers were chosen from his knowl- 
edge of their readiness to carry out his designs. The 
Reformers were to be annihilated. The expressions 
of his will were decisive. 

1st. Immediately after the death of the cardinal in 
1G61, provincial commissioners, consisting of a Re- 
formed and a member of the National Church, were 
sent to visit the provinces and decide, from testimony 
produced on the spot, upon the right of the Reformed 
to their various houses of worship. The work began 
with a show of equity. Soon the the testimony of 
the Huguenot commissioner in favour of a church 
was everywhere overborne by the testimony of the 


Romanist commissioner. Under the pretence of law 
and right, chapel after chapel were demolished. '* In 
a little time," says the author of the Status Ecclesise, 
** the Huguenots have lost three parts in four of all 
their churches." Quick, in his Synodicon, says that 
previous to 1673, a monk from Bearne boasted that 
out of one hundred and twenty -three churches in that 
province, resting on the most unquestionable legal 
titles, only twenty-three were spared. In 1674, out 
of sixty-one churches inPoictou, only one wasuncon- 
demned. In Guienne, eighty churches were reduced 
to three. In Gex, twenty-three to two. In Provence, 
sixteen to three. Of some districts it was said : **If 
there be churches left standing and not converted into 
ruinous heaps, they be such as are most hiconve- 
niently situated in marshes or low grounds which 
were often overflowed with water, or impassable in 
winter." To carry on this investigation, and deter- 
mine the equity of their claims to their churches, 
Louis required the Reformed to bring forward the 
records of their consistories, containing registers of 
baptism, marriage and sepulture, together with their 
original titles to their houses. These documents were 
all retained, and the Reformed left without their legal 
evidence of property or legitimacy. After the tem- 
ples were destroyed in 1685, many gentlemen lost the 
proofs of the nobility which could be found on the 
tombs. And in the pillage of their houses, the sol- 
diers of Louvois destroyed their family papers. Thus 
the emigrants were deprived of evidence of their rank 
and property. Happily in the nations to which they 


fled there were persons wlio were acquainted with the 
nobility of France. 

2d. l^Qmerous oppressive Edicts was issued, and 
severely executed. The Huguenot College in Mon- 
tauban was suppressed, and its property given to the 
Jesuits. The Reformed were forbidden to sing 
psalms in the streets, or on public walks, or even 
within their own houses in tone to be heard by pas- 
sengers ; and in the public chapels it was to cease, 
when the procession of the Host passed by, even if 
the congregation were in the midst of the psalm, and 
not to be resumed while the procession was in hear- 
ing. The time of funerals was limited to certain 
hours, that deprived them of all publicity ; and only 
a limited number of persons might attend. The 
Reformed ministers might not take the name of, 
^^ Ministers of God's WonV A Huguenot at Caen 
threw over the bier of his beloved wife a white pall, 
embroidered with garlands of Rosemary, **lor re- 
membrance;" and placed branches of the same in 
the hands of four maidens as bearers. For this he 
was fined and pronounced refractory. 

Against an Edict about to be issued in 1668, to 
close the chambers of the Edict of Paris and Rouen, 
courts which had been of great importance to the 
Reformed, the famous preacher, Du Bose, obtained 
leave of audience at the Louvre. His argument re- 
ceived the applause of the court for its mgenuity and 
eloquence. The King, delighted with the appearance 
and bearing of the man, and impressed with his 
speech, said, **ne is the most eloquent man in my 


kingdom." But in vain. The case was prejudged. 
The chambers were annulled by an Edict which 
affirmed strongly the royal intention to maintain the 
privileges of the Reformed, without let or hindrance, 
according to the Edict of Kantes. 

Protestants professing popery, were released from 
all debts to their Protestant brethren, for the three 
years previous. And Protestant ministers forfeited 
their churches if they received any convert from 
popery. If a Papist united with a Reformed congre- 
gation, and said he was converted, the minister suf- 
fered the penalty of a proselyter. In 1679 the courts 
of justice for the Reformed in Thoulouse, Bordeaux, 
and Grenoble, were abolished, for the cause, that, 
*^ the parties were so quiet and regular, that no cases 
had been tried for many years," and therefore were 
not necessary. 

The intermarrying of Protestants and Papists was 
forbidden. And the children of the Reformed, of 
the age of seven years, were permitted to choose 
which religion they would be of — the Romish or Re- 
formed. If they preferred the Romish, no matter 
by what inducements, they might, if they chose, be 
taken from their parents to be instructed ; and the 
parents were compelled to allow them a pension for 
their support, in some cases so large as to ruin the 
means of the family support. 

In 1680 an Edict was issued, depriving the Re- 
formed of all kinds of offices and employments, from 
the greatest to the least. They could not serve in 
the custom-houses, the guards, the treasury or the 


post-office, or to be messengers, coachmen, or wag- 
oners, or any thing of the kind. 

3d. He made use of duplicity. 

In 1670 the King, in writing to his son, explains 
his own principles of action towards the Keformed : that 
they involved the most settled determination, and 
also the most consummate duplicity. He says: **I 
believe, my son, that the best method of reducing 
the Huguenots, of my kingdom, by slow degrees, is, 
in the first place, not to harrass them in the smallest 
degree, by any new enactment against them ; to ob- 
serve strictly all the privileges obtained for them from 
my predecessors ; but to grant them no farther 
favours beyond these ; and even of these, to restrain 
the execution, within the narrowest limits, prescribed 
by justice and comity. But as it regards favours 
depending upon myself alone, I resolved, and that 
resolution I have punctually observed, to grant them 
none whatsoever; and this from a spirit of lenity, rather 
than of rigour, so as to compel them, without any 
violence, to consider within themselves, whether it is 
for any good reason that they voluntarily deprive 
themselves of advantages which it is in their power 
to share with tlie remainder of my subjects. I also 
resolved to bring over, by means of recompenses, 
such as should show themselves docile; and to 
awaken, as far as possible, the zeal of the bishops, 
that they should laliour to give them instruction, and 
to remove the scandals which at times divide and 
repel them from us." Having sworn to preserve the 
right of conscience granted by his predecessors, and 



by himself also, for their loyalty to the Bourbon line, 
he tells his son he was resolved to make them commit 
the meanness of being bribed to act against that very 
conscience, and their oft repeated oaths. 

Madame De Maintenon, his favourite mistress and 
reputed wife, brought up in the Reformed faith, and 
professing to be a Calvinist, till the King's favor con- 
verted her to his religion and his morals, in 1672, 
writes to her brother: **I have been informed of 
some complaints made of you which do you no hon- 
our. You maltreat the Huguenots ; you take all 
means to find cause against them ; you seek to create 
occasions. This is not the conduct of a person of 
quality. Pity those persons, who are unfortunate, 
rather than guilty. They still remain in error, which 
we once shared with them, and from which no vio- 
lence would have induced us to depart. Henry IV. 
and other great princes have professed the same reli- 
gion. Therefore, persecute them not. All men 
should be brought by gentleness and charity. Jesus 
Christ set us the example, to follow which is the inten- 
tion of the King. It is your duty to keep the popula- 
tion under your rule in obedience ; it is for the bishops 
and the parochial clergy to work conversions, by doc- 
trine and example. Neither God nor the King have 
given you the care of souls. Sanctify your own, then, 
and be severe to yourself alone. " Was she profoundly 
ignorant of the King's intentions, and of the Edicts 
already in execution against the Reformed? or did 
she suppose the veil cast over hig conduct by the King 
could not be pierced by others? 


A great number of the noble families of France, "■ 
tbat, for more than a century, had been connected 
with the Reformed, had, by the persevering efforts of 
the cardinals and the present King, become reconciled 
to the National Church. But in country gentlemen 
of ancient family, in wealthy, enterprising merchants, 
in skilful, enterprising artisans, successful physicians, 
and professional men, and vine-dressers, and farmers, 
the ranks of the Reformed were strong. They formed 
much of that great middle class, the bone and sinew 
of a nation. Conscious of their inherent indepen- 
dence, that they were the support rather than the 
dependents of the throne, they held to their religion, 
in its doctrines and forms, through all the disabilities 
the ingenuity of persecution had invented. The 
King, unwearied in his efforts to free his kingdom of 
all those unreconciled to the National Church, adopted 
a new expedient. 

4th. Bought conversions were attempted. In 1677 
the King set apart a secret fund, the use of which 
was long kept a mystery. The projector is not 
known ; the execution of it was entrusted to Pclis- 
son, a convert from the Reformed faith. From 
records of the treasury, now laid open, the money 
was employed in obtaining conversions to Popery 
from the Reformed Church, or the families of mem- 
bers. Pelisson put money into the hands of bishops, 
who, in due time, returned him papers containing the 
names of persons who had abjured, and the price 
paid to each, with hi§ receipt, to be laid before the 


The gratuity was bestowed in a variety of ways, 
according to the disposition and condition of the par- 
ties, all having the same tendency to lead to reconcil- 
iation w^ith the Komish church. Among the lower 
and the more ignorant classes of the Huguenots, and 
especially those least inclined to the pure life culti- 
vated by the Reformed Church, the greatest number 
of converts were found. Some were plainly bargained 
with ; others were taken by address, and found that 
their receipt for money contained words and conveyed 
a meaning they did not expect. But, in whatever 
way the King's gift was made, the recipient was re- 
ported to the King as a convert, and all means of 
persuasion and terror were used to keep the proselyte. 
From the records in the treasury, it appears that the 
price paid was, by the returns, on the average of six 
hvres a head : and between seven and eight thousand 
were purchased for about two thousand crowns. The 
whole court expressed delight on the report that Pelis- 
son was successful in winning the heretics to the 
Romish church. Madame De Maintenon, the reputed 
wife of the King, gave herself to the work as patron- 
ess and co-worker. Like Pelisson, she wished to 
have followers in her apostacy. To her brother she 
writes: ** Madame De Aubigne, must surely soon 
convert some one of our young relations." To an- 
other person she wrote: **I am the only one who is 
now seen conducting some HugucAOts to the true 
Church." To another she wrote: ** Convert your- 
self, as so many others have done ; convert yourself 
by the help of God alone ; convert yourself, in a 


word, in what manner you please ; but at all events, 
convert yourself." 

This woman, by stealth, conveyed a young relation 
to the chapel of the court ; and finding her pleased 
with the King's Mass, persuaded her to promise to 
hear it every day. In a similar manner she prevailed 
at last on the two brothers of the young convert ; and 
at last, by perseverance, prevailed upon their father, 
the Marquis de Villette, to unite with the Church of 
the court, though he often said, **It would take him 
twenty years to believe in the real presence, and a 
hundred years to believe in the infallibility of the 
Pope." Thus, from the arts of the most intriguing 
woman of the court, who, by her wit and her com- 
pliances, could captivate the unscrupulous Louis, 
down to the gratuities and simple bribery of Pelisson, 
all arts were used, and with every class of persons, to 
induce the unwary and unsteady to al^andon the faith 
and worship of the Keformed. The King had hon- 
ours and offices of trust and emolument always before 
the eyes of men to allure by their splendour and their 
continual display; the price, devotion to his majesty ; 
wliich meant, at last, agreement with him in religion. 
The bishops had church preferments for men of tal- 
ents, and money for men of meanness and poverty ; 
the price, devotion to his majesty and his Church. 
The ladies of the court, with their flatteries and per- 
suasions, could ofier any bribe in the power of him 
who was head of Church and State, from the baton 
of a marshal to the hand of a fascinating heiress of 


noble birth ; the price, devotion to his majesty and to 
his Church. 

This process swept multitudes from the extremes of 
society into the Romish church. The aspirmg, tlie 
noble, and the gay went there; and those who, 
through ignorance, or meanness, or suffering, would 
sell themselves for a piece of bread, and quietness 
from persecution, followed them. But there was a 
boundary soon reached. And the King was eager 
for more converts, which no price could buy. The 
great mass of the Reformed, the small farmers, tlie 
merchants, and the artizans, were scarcely touched. 
The funds, which Pelisson received in regularly in- 
creasing abundance for some years, was used, as he 
said, in small sums, that he might be economical, 
and, in profusion, that he might spread it like dew 
upon the fields. All the arts and seductions of the 
court were exhausted; and the bone and sinew of 
the country was left untouched. 

5th. Booted missionaries were the next resort. 

Louvois, the King's Minister of War, here entered 
with zeal to employ a new power for the King. lie 
had long sought the favour of Louis in the cabinet, 
by opposing Colbert, the Minister of Finance, in 
regard to the treatment of the Reformed. Colbert 
never failed to plead their cause, as a body of people 
most important to the King, and in possession of 
privileges not to be taken away without great harm 
to justice, and the prosperity of the kingdom. He 
employed individuals of them as the best officials in 
France, to manage the King's finances ; and encour- 


aged all to perfect their manufactories of rare and 
costly products, by which the revenue of France filled 
the treasury for the splendidly expensive Louis. 
Louvois flattered the King by encouraging his eftbrts 
to reduce the kingdom to an unit in religion as in 
politics. He had attached himself to the party of 
Madame De Montespan, the former mistress of the 
King, while in her glory. With her he became 
jealous of the increasing iDfluence of her rival, 
Madame Maintenon, whose popularity with the King 
and court was greatly augmented by her zeal in as- 
sisting Pelisson in carrying out the enterprize of brib- 
ing the Reformed into the Church of the King. He 
became jealous of l^elisson also lest he should gain 
the ascendency in the cabinet. He determined there- 
fore, if possible, to surpass him in zeal and success 
in the work of conversion. He began in the year 
1681, to quarter dragoons in villages where there 
were Huguenots. On the 18th of March he in- 
structed, by letter, Marilloe, the intendant of the 
province of Poictou, whom, by former experience, he 
believed a fit instrument for the work, how to dispose 
of a regiment of dragoons he was about to send to 
the province. He assured him of the great satisfac- 
tion he had given the King by his zeal for the Romish 
religion in times past ; and directs him to distribute 
the troopers, in quarters in the villjiges, according to 
his discretion, taking care always that the greatest 
number should be put upon the Reformed. The very 
poor were not to be exempted ; nor widows, who had 
hitherto been free from such exactions. **I would 


not," says he, *<have you quarter them all upon the 
Reformed; but for instance, if ten privates out of 
the twenty-six, of which each troop of horse consists, 
should be the equitable share of the Huguenots, in 
any village, you may quarter twenty upon them." 
These private instructions were, on April 11th, fol- 
lowed by an ordinance from the War Department, 
granting two years' exemption from keeping dragoons 
to those who were recently converted to the King's 
faith. At once showing to th^ soldiery that the ob- 
ject of their quartering was to force conversions, and 
to the Huguenots that their relief was compliance 
with his majesty's will in matters of religion. 

Quick, in his Synodicon, gives a condensed account 
of a dragonade, gathering his materials from authen- 
tic sources, the experience of living refugees in 
England, and the printed testimony of others. It is 
not probable that all these outrages took place in 
every village ; but some, such as the plunderings and 
exactions, and insults, were common to all ; and the 
others were put in force, according to the skill, and 
ingenuity, and cruelty of the dragoons and their offi- 
cers. The invention of a new insult or suftering for 
the Huguenots made a man famous. When about 
to quarter the dragoons upon a town or village, or 
region of country, the intendant summoned the Re- 
formed inhabitants, and assured them of his majestj^'s 
desire that they should be of his religion. If they 
plead the rights of conscience in objection to the 
King's wishes, they speedily found the dragoons com- 
ing to take possession of the gates and avenues and 


public places. They are quartered out among the 
inhabitants, and are charged to let no persons escape 
from their houses, or carry away or conceal their goods. 
In some villages the Romish clergy followed the dra- 
goons through the streets as they went to take 
possession of their quarters, crying, *' Courage, gen- 
tlemen; it is the intention of the King that these 
dogs of Huguenots should be pillaged and sacked." 
Sometimes, as the soldiers entered the houses, they 
cried, *'kill! kill!" to frighten the women and chil- 
dren. So long as the people could satisfy their rapacity 
in eating and drinking and revelling, they suffered 
no worse than pillage. A few days generally sufhced 
for consuming all the stores of food and wines on 
hand, and for plundering, under various pretexts, 
riiigs, jewelry, money, and whatever else was of spe- 
cial value in ornaments and dress. Often the heavier 
goods of a family were set up for sale to the highest 
bidder ; and buyers were invited from a distance to 
get good bargains. 

The soldiers declared that every thing was per- 
mitted them, except actual death ; and their ingen- 
uity was unbounded in the forms of torments. They 
hung up men and women by the hair, or by the feet, 
to the roofs of chambers and hooks in chimneys, 
where the custom was to have capacious iire-]^laces, 
and smoked them with wisps of wet hay till near 
suffocation. If, upon being taken down, they re- 
fused to profess the King's faith, they hung them 
up again and continued the torment till the sufferer 
appeared sinking in death, or abjured. They threw 


them on hot coals, and into fires kindled for the pur- 
pose. They put ropes under their arms and plunged 
them into deep wells, and drew them up, repeating 
the plunging and drawing up. They bound them, and 
with a funnel poured wine down their throats till rea- 
son and life were endangered ; and continued these 
operations till the firmness of the suflerers gave way, 
or appearances of death alarmed the dragoons. They 
would strip them of clothing, stick pins into their 
flesh, cut them with knives, pull their noses and tear 
their flesh with hot pincers, till their cries wearied their 
tormentors. Sometimes they would keep them waking 
night and day, for a succession of days, by their 
shouts and outcries, and by throwing cold water in 
their faces, and by beating pans and kettles over their 
heads, till the poor suflerers lost their senses. Some- 
times they would beat them and drag them to the 
Romish churches, and this forced attendance was 
reckoned as submission. They beat drums by the 
bedside of the sick, whether men or women, of what- 
ever disease, without intermission for days. Women 
were insulted in every possible form. They plucked 
oft' the nails from the fingers and the toes ; they burnt 
the feet ; they blew up men and women with bellows 
to the utmost extent of the body, calling on them to 
profess the religion of the King. If any fled to the 
fields or woods, to escape this tyranny, they were 
hunted like wild beasts. 

The success of Louvois in obtaining conversions 
exceeded his expectations. The report of the num- 
bers of the heretics turned to Popery filled the King 


and his court with joy. Louvois used for drtigonades 
the troops raised pretendcdly to repel a Spanish invasion. 
His orders to Boufflers are still in existence. **The 
King desires that they who will not adopt his religion 
should sufler the most extreme rigor, and that such 
of them as may have the stupid ambition of being 
last to yield, should be urged to the last extremities." 
These men fixed crosses to their musquetoons and 
pushed them into the faces of the Reformed, and if 
they resented the treatment or showed any disrespect 
to the cross, they were cruelly treated. 

On the lOtli of May, about two months after the 
commencement of the dragonades. Madam Mainte- 
non wrote to her brother: *' I believe that, besides 
our relations, no Huguenots will remain in Poictou. 
It seems to me that all the people have become con- 
verts ; soon it will be ridiculous to belong to that re- 
ligion." The Gazette of France filled its columns with 
long lists of the converted. The oppressed Poictou- 
ans began to emigrate to foreign lands. Madam 
Maintenon hearing that they sold their lands at a low 
price, wrote again to her brother, how to use a per- 
quisite of 118000 francs she had just procured for 
him by a fresh distribution of monopolies among the 
farmers general. She says : '*But I pray you employ 
usefully the money you will receive. Lands in Poic- 
tou can be bought for nothing ! The desolation of 
the Huguenots makes them still anxious to sell. You 
can easily establish yourself nobly in Poictou." In 
the meantime the gazettes of Amsterdam and Hague 
informed the world of the means used for these pub- 


lished conversions, and a cry of sympathy and indig- 
nation went up from Holland, England and Germany. 
And on the 28th of July, about four months from the 
commencement of the horrible process, the parlia- 
ment of England called on their king, Charles IE., 
to sanction a bill giving extensive privileges to those 
French refugees who should demand a home in Eng- 
land. Louis saw his error. Louvois was ordered to 
repress the ardor of his officers ; and Marillac was 
warned to abstain from threatening the Huguenots who 
refused abjuration, to avoid giving them cause of 
complaint, not to appear as overloading them, and to 
take care that the dragoons did not perpeti-ate any con- 
siderable disorder, so that the Huguenots might not 
say, that they were abandoned to the soldiery. 

The example of England was followed by the king 
of Denmark and the burgomasters of Amsterdam ; 
and the imitation of Merillac's tyranny being felt in 
the provinces of Aunix and Saintonge, the number of 
emigrants was constantly increasing till more than 
three thousand families had left the kingdom. The 
retreat of a large body of seafaring men, aroused the 
King, and an edict was set forth forbidding the emi- 
gration of mariners and manufacturers under penalty 
of the galleys for life. Any person that aided an 
emigration, was to be fined not less than three thou- 
sand livres, and in case of a second offence, be subject 
to corporeal punishment. Merillac was dismissed from 
his office, and Baville, a man reputed moderate, ap- 
pointed his successor. In a short time these dragoon- 


ings were renewed with greater rigor than ever, by 
the advice and counsel of the King 
i Louis could invent no new oppression for the E.e- 
formed. He had objected to the Inquisition of Spain, 
and its terrible oftshoot in the Netherlands. He had 
exhausted the ingenuity of tlie Eomish clergy, greedy 
of the blood and property of the Huguenots as a 
branch of the church and as a political party in France. 
The invention of his intriguing court was at an end. 
He had broken up the National Synod ; he had 
brought the provincial synods completely under his 
surveillance, and made them the channel of informa- 
tion about all the Reformed ministers of France ; he 
had made the consistories by his spies, in the name of 
deputies, reveal the condition of all the congregations 
in his kingdom. His police upon the church was 
complete. He had filled the mind and hearts of the 
nobles with the glory and honour and riches of France, 
lavished upon them at the simple price of making 
themselves agreeable to the handsomest, most affable 
sovereign in Europe. The splendor of his gifts 
blinded their eyes and turned away their hearts from 
contemplating the real price they paid in renouncing 
the religion their fathers had professed to their eternal 
honour. He had separated the nobility forever from 
the bone and sinew of France, the gentry, the mer- 
chants, the artisans, and the mountaineers. He had 
removed the Reformed from all places of power and 
trust and emolument, after the death of the great 
Colbert, his financier, second only to Sully, the min- 
ister of Henry IV. , and turued from his treasury the 


rich streams of income guided by the hands of the 
Reformed from every part of his dominions. He 
had taken the pensions from the retired brave sol- 
diers of the Reformed, that bore the marks of suffer- 
ing and the scars of battle in his service ; he had 
shut up that little source of supply from the widows 
of men that had fought for their King. He had 
bribed their children to al>andon their fathers' faith, 
and kiss the hand that had wronged their parents. 
He had gone to the manufactories, that were bringing 
wealth to the nation and abundance to his treasury, 
and insisted that the superintendents should be mem- 
l>ers of the Romish church, leaving, as a matter of 
grace, but a small comparative number under the super- 
vision of the Reformed. He had counted up the appren- 
tices, and decreed but a small number of the Huguenot 
faith should be permitted ; the great majority should 
be of his own faith. He had gone into the profession 
of law and medicine, and had exercised there, with un- 
sparing hand, his power to silence the bar, and palsy 
the healing art. JSTo man might practice but by per- 
mission as of the King's religion, or by an act of 
mercy from the throne that stigmatized him as a sus- 
picious person. He had forbidden men to buy and 
sell for gain, unless they said mass. He had intruded 
upon the province of woman — he had forbidden any 
woman setting up as seamstress, unless she took the 
sacrament in the Romish church. ISTo one of the 
Huguenots could attend upon their friends in child- 
birth, without offending against the State, unless she 
had abjured the faith of her fathers. He had gone 


to the families and demanded that the children of 
seven years of age should make choice of their reli- 
gion, and should determine whether they would stay 
with their parents, or go elsewhere for instruction ; 
and if they chose to leave their parents, he demanded 
an ample pension for their support. He had forbid- 
den, on heavy penalties, all attempts at emigration 
from his kingdom. He had tried the influence of 
bribery in all its forms, by the hands of an apostate 
man, under the superintendence of an apostate 
woman, who claimed to be his wife. He had sent 
out his ** booted missionaries," the dragoons, to 
carry to villages and to private houses all the terrors 
of the Spanish Inquisition, and all the sufferings short 
of actual death that man can inflict upon his fellow man. 
lie had been flattered and delighted with the reports 
that came from his emissaries in every quarter of the 
multitudes of converts flocking to his church ; and 
that hundreds and hundreds of the houses of worship 
had been torn down, as existing against the law and 
no longer necessary; and that for those who would 
travel far to join in Protestant worship and carry 
their children for baptism through all difliculties, there 
were spies in all churches to convict the minister of 
preaching to congregations other than his own, and 
bring him under the law. The work seemed com- 
plete. The navies of France had been successful 
under I)u Quesne, the Huguenot, whom the Moslems 
called, **the old French captain who had wedded the 
sea and whom the angel of death had forgotten." 
Turrene, also an Huguenot, who had led the armies 



of France to victory and glory, keeping silence on the 
subject of faith until the King had signed the edict of 
his own disgrace, and then at last, 1687, abjuring the 
faith of his fathers. France was at the height of her 
political glory and military fame. Literature had 
advanced till the King beUeved it would go no fur- 
ther except in his praise. Under the fostering hand 
of Colbert, the Huguenot, manufactures had advanced 
beyond all precedent in Europe, and for delicacy in 
fabric and taste in design, far surpassed all nations, 
bruiging vast sums of money to the manufacturing 
cities, that the financier could say, *nhat the fashions 
of France, in dress, were to her what the mmes of 
Peru were to Spain." There were but two steps for 
the King, in his own estimation, to exalt him to the 
pinnacle of fame and the very summit of his wishes, the 
extinction of the Huguenots, and to be the acknowl- 
edged political head of Europe. The first was now 
at hand, the last was in prospect. 

Many hands were employed in preparing an edict 
revoking the Edict of Nantes. Much time was con- 
sumed. Balthazar Phelypeaux, Marquis of Chateau- 
neuf, secretary of state, put in order the provisions of 
the edict. The Romish clergy, in their five yearly 
assembly of the Galilean Church, held in May 1685, 
inflamed the King's zeal and augmented his delusion. 
The bishop of Valence avowed that every rational per- 
son in the kingdom had of choice abandoned opposition 
to the estabUshed church ; and the coadjutor of Rouen 
praised, in extravagant language, the path of flowers 
for reentermg the Eomish Church. The clergy de^ 


clared they did not desire the suppression of the Edict 
of Nantes, it was a dead letter. Soon after this meet- 
ing, the Reformed were excluded from all trades con- 
nected with literature, that the circulation of their 
books of devotion and instruction might be suppressed. 
Huguenot families were forbidden to hold a member 
of the Romish church for a servant. Magistrates of 
the established church married to Huguenot wives 
were forbidden to act in ecclesiastical suits, lest their 
wives should influence their decisions. The Reformed 
worship was forbidden in all cities the residence of a 
bishop, lest he should be grieved by the collision of 
heresy. In the summer, the army sent into Bearne 
to watch the movements of the Spaniards, by its hor- 
rible dragoonings forced the province of Bearne, 
the home of the Reformed doctrine from its birth in 
France'; Bearne, the inherited dominions of Jeanne 
De Albert, the nursing mother of the Church ; Bearne 
that had maintained its faith, though abandoned by 
its native and beloved king, Henry IV., Bearne was 
dragooned till the majority of the Huguenots ** capit- 
ulated," and the triumph was celebrated by a religious 
procession and a grand mass at Paris. In July, the 
Marquis De Boufflers, commander of the army that 
had wrought this change, was ordered to dispose his 
forces in the neighbourhood of Bordeaux and Montau- 
ban, and **to take such measures with the Reformed, 
that in case his majesty should hereafter determine to 
prohibit all exercise of their religion within his king- 
dom, their numbers may be so far diminished as to 
preclude any apprehension from a rising. " In August, 


he was advised to allow facilities for tbe congregation of 
ministers ; and in September he was directed to use 
discretion in permitting a few of the country gentry 
to remain upon their estates, provided they were des- 
titute of followers. The troops spread over Guienne, 
Languedoc, Angoumais, Saintonge, Poictou and the 
adjoining provinces. The Huguenots were assembled 
on the approach of these booted missionaries, and 
pressed to make a decision for or against the will of 
the King. The form of abjuration was slight, the 
ruin in the rear of the troopers appalling ; and crowds 
of the affrighted peasants became enrolled as converts. 
Death was preferable to the measure and form of suf- 
ferings inflicted on those whose conscience resisted the 
will of the King. The Duke De Noailles reported 
240,000 Huguenots which he counted in Languedoc 
alone, converted to the true faith. If the King 
doubted the sincerity of these conversions, he was 
cheered with the hope that his successor would reap the 
harvest. **I am by no means sure," writes Madam 
De Maintenon, at this remarkable season, **that all 
these conversions are sincere ; but God employs in- 
numerable means to win the heretics to Himself. Even 
if the fathers are hypocrites, at least the children will 
be Catholics, and outward union brings them some- 
what more close to truth. They bear about with 
them the same mark with the faithful. Pray God to 
enhghten us all ; for the King has nothing more at 

6th. The King resolved to destroy *the ancient 
writings of the Reformed that related to the ac- 


tions of the Romish clergy. These were nnmerous. 
Some were expositions of errors in doctrine. Some 
were histories of the Reformation in the earlier 
stages. Some were biographical sketches of the 
martyrs. The books were of all sizes, from the 
pamphlet to the pondrous volume, and were fitted to 
please the taste and meet the condition of all classes 
of society, from the most laborious mountaineer to 
the deepest student, and the most refined taste. The 
Archbishop of Paris prepared a list containing the 
names of five hundred authors whose books were to 
be destroyed. The work was carried on by searching 
the houses of the Reformed for the obnoxious vol- 
umes, most particularly, first, the houses of pastors 
and elders, and then others that might be suspected 
of having books. The volumes went hke the mar- 
tyrs — to the flames. 

The course of study in the Reformed schools was 
curtailed by authority. The Greek was first struck 
out, then the Hebrew, then Philosophy and Theology, 
and then the Universities were closed. The Univer- 
sity of Sedan was interdicted in 1681, and its build- 
ings given to the Jesuits. That of Montauban was first 
transferred to Pery Laurens, and then interdicted in 
1685. That of Saumur, the most celebrated of all, 
was suppressed in the same year, on the pretext that 
its foundation was not authorized by letters patent. 
This destruction of books and universities was to 
lessen the superiority of the Refonned in literature 
and cultivated intellect by blotting out its evidences 
and means. 


Louvois wrote to his father, the old Chancellor 
Tellier, early in September, 1685: <* Sixty thousand 
conversions have been made in the district of Bor- 
deaux, and twenty thousand in that of Montauban. 
The rapidity with which this goes on is such that 
there remains only ten thousand religionists in all the 
district of Bordeaux, where on the 15th of last month 
there were one hundred and fifty thousand." The 
Duke of N'oailles announced that, 'Hhe most consid- 
erable men of Nismes apostatized in the Church, the 
day after my arrival. Then followed some diminution 
of zeal ; but things were again put in good train 
by the billets I have given the houses of the most 
obstinate." He adds confidentially: *'Two of these 
billets were of a hundred men each." 

The best preachers of the Romish church to be 
found in France were sent to preach in the Protestant 
communities, under the influences of the dragon ades, 
to persuade the people to hold to their abjuration. 
Madame De Sevigne about this time wrote to her 
cousin, the Count De Bussy : * * Father Bourdalac is 
going, by order of the King, to preach at Monpellier, 
and in those provinces where so many people were 
converted without knowing why. Father Bourdalac 
will teach them, and make them good Roman Cath- 
olics. The dragoons have been, until now, very good 
missionaries. The preachers who will be sent pres- 
ently will render the work perfect." 

On the 18th of October, 1685, the King, assured 
by his confessor, Pere La Chaise, and by his confi- 
dential minister, Louvois, that he might re-unite every 


heretic in his dominion to the apostoiic Church, his 
own chosen Church, without shedding a single drop 
of blood, consented to promulgate the Edict, which 
was to fasten everlasting disgrace upon himself, and 
rob him of more than half a million of subjects, in 
addition to the number already sent into exile. He 
put his name, the great seal on green wax was affixed, 
on threads of red and green silk. Orders were given 
to register it and send it forth from Paris, on the 22d 
day of the month, to be circulated through the 

It begins by assuming that the Edict of Nantes, 
which Henry IV., in his preamble, declared to be 
''a general^ clear, plain, and absolute laiv,^^ *Hhe prin- 
cipal basis and rjround-ioork of their union, concord, 
tranquility and peace; and we do, purpose, resolve and 
promise to see that it be exactly observed. We have, by 
this perpetual and, irrevocable Edict, said, declared, and 
ordained : That the Edict thus spoken of by its author 
was merely a means designed by the author to bring 
back the Huguenots to the Church of Rome." It 
goes on to say: ** Inasmuch as the far greater and 
better part of our subjects of the said pretended Re- 
formed religion have embraced the Catholic faith, 
and inasmuch as hereby the execution of the Edict of 
Nantes, and whatsoever else hath been ordained in 
favour of the said pretended Reformed religion is be- 
come useless, we have judged that we could do nothing 
better than totally to revoke the said Edict of Nantes." 

But he proceeds to call his own decree in the first 
section, ^'perpetual and irrevocable;'''' and says: **We 


will, and it is our pleasure, that all the temples of 
those of the said religion, situated within our king- 
dom, countries, lands and lordships of our subjection, 
should be immediately abolished." In the second, 
he forbids the Eeformed **to assemble themselves, 
for exercise of their said religion, in any place or 
private house, under any pretence whatever." In the 
third, he ** forbids all Lords, of every degree, the ex- 
ercise of their religion in their houses and manors." 
In the fourth, he commands all ministers, who will 
not embrace the Eomish religion, *'to depart out of 
the kingdom, and the lands of our dominion, within 
a fortnight after the publication of the Edict," and in 
the meantime not to exercise any function of religion, on 
pain of the galleys. The fifth promises to those 
ministers who conform, an increase of salary by one- 
third, and their widows one-half the stipend during 
widowhood. By the sixth, the ministers might be- 
come advocates on exammation, on half the usual 
fees, and the three years study being dispensed with. 
The seventh forbid all private schools to the Eeformed, 
**and generally all thuigs whatsoever that may bear 
the sign of privilege or favour to that said religion." 
By the eighth, the children of the Eeformed were to 
be baptized by the Eomish clergy, and be brought up 
in the Eomish religion. For failure in presenting 
their children for baptism, parents to be fined five 
hundred francs. The ninth permitted emigrants that 
return in four months, to take possession of their 
estates; and longer absence brought confiscation. 
The tenth forbid men, women and children, of th^ 


Reformed, departing the kingdom, or transporting 
their goods or elFects, on pain of the galhes for men, 
and ** confiscation of bodies and goods for the 
women." The eleventh requires the relapsed to be 
punished according to previous laws. The twelfth 
permits the Eeformed to remain in the kingdom, 
**and continue their traffic, and enjoy their goods," 
provided they do not engage in any kind of religious 
worship, according to the Reformed faith ; and con- 
cludes by commanding all the oificers, to whom it 
belongs, to have the Edict proclaimed, registered, and 
executed, *'in every particular, without swerving, 
and that in no manner of wise they permit the least 
swerving from it." 

The Chancellor, the aged La TeUier, labouring 
under a disease that in a few days brought him to his 
grave, signed his name, and said : * * Now lettest thou 
thy servant depart in peace ;" and laying down his 
pen, retired to his home, refusing to perform any 
other magisterial act. 

The Komish clergy celebrated the day by public 
thanksgivings, and were eagerly joined by the people 
of Paris and other cities. The eloquent preacher, 
Bossuet, exclaimed, in his funeral oration on La Tel- 
lier, ** Atfected by so many miracles, let us give vent 
to our feelings on the piety of Louis. Let us lift up 
our cries of joy to heaven, and say to this new Con- 
Btantine, this new Theodoshis, this new Marcian, this 
new Charlemagne, what the six hundred and thirty 
fathers said, formerly in the council of Chalcedon, 
you have established the faith, you have exterminated 


the heretics, a work worthy of your reign, and a 
proper characteristic of it. Through your exertion 
heresy exists no longer. God alone could perform 
this miracle. King of heaven, preserve the King of 
earth, is the prayer of the churches, is the prayer of 
the bishops. 

Madame De Sevigne, in writing to her daughter, 
some days after the revocation, expresses the feelings 
of the ladies of the court : ** You will have seen, no 
doubt, the Edict by which the King revokes that of 
Nantes. Nothing can be so line as what it contains, 
and no King has ever done, or ever will do, any 
thing so memorable." 

The Abbe Tallemand, speaking before the French 
Academy, in January, 1687, of the Temple of Charen- 
ton, said : '* Happy ruins ! which are tlie finest trophy 
France has ever seen. The triumphal arches and the 
statutes erected to the glory of the King, will raise him 
no higher than the overthrow, by his pious eftbrts, of 
this temple of heresy. That heresy which supposed 
itself invincible is entirely subverted." 

Massilon also, in his funeral oration on Louis XIV. , 
after years of reflection on the sufterings and wrongs 
of the Reformed, says: **Unto what point did he 
not carry his zeal for the Church, that virtue of sov- 
ereigns, who have onl}^ received the sword and the 
power that they may be the supporters of altars and 
the defenders of doctrine. Oh, specious reasons of 
state policy ! in vain you opposed to Louis the timid 
views of human wisdom, the body of the monarchy 
enfeebled by the evasion of so many citizens ; the 


course of commerce slackened, either by the privation 
of their industry, or the furtive deportation of their 
wealth. Perils fortified his zeal. The work of God 
fears not the opposition of man. lie believed even 
that he strengthened his own throne, by the overthrow 
of the throne of error. The profane temples are de- 
stroyed, the pulpits of sedition thrown down, the 
prophets of falsehood torn from their flocks. Heresy 
fell by the first blow Louis aimed at it, disappeared, 
and is reduced either to conceal itself in the darkness 
from which it emerged, or to cross the sea and to 
carry with it its false Gods, its wrath, and its bitter- 
ness into foreign lands. " 

The Jansenists declared by their organ, the great 
Arnault, '*that means had been employed a little too 
strong, but by no means unjust." 

At Rome, the joy was great. A Te Deum was 
sung in thanksgiving for the conversion of the Pro- 
testants. The Pope, Innocent XL, wrote to the 
King on the occasion and congratulated him on **that 
noble zeal, with which being ardently inflamed, you 
have wholly al)rogated all those constitutions that 
were favouaable to the heretics of your kingdom, and 
l)y wise decrees set forth, have excellently provided 
for the propagation of the orthodox belief.'* And 
also he congratulated him for that *' accession of im- 
mortal commendations which you have added to all 
your great exploits by so illustrious an act of this 
kind. The Cathohc Church shall most assuredly 
record in her sacred annals a work of such devotion 
towards her, and celebrate your name with never 


dying praises. But above all you may most de- 
servedly promise to yourself an ample retribution from 
the divine goodness for this most excellent under- 
taking. Given at Rome, the 13th of November, in 
the tenth year of our pontificate. " 

Was this Pope ignorant of the laws of nature, of 
nations, and of God, or was he a fanatic ? Was 
Louis a true devotee of that church of which this 
Pope was the acknowledged head, when in less than 
two years he publicly and intentionally insulted him 
in Rome by his embassador, for asking of the King 
that which was both merciful and just, both for the 
Pope and the King ? Or w^as he simply acting out 
the spirit of the emperor Charles V., that he meant 
to be Pope ; if not of Rome, at least of France 1 



The immediate effects of the repeal of the Edict of Nantes npon 
the Refoni^ed, and their spirit on going into exile. 

THE Edict of Repeal was registered on Monday, 
the 22d of October, 1685, at Paris. On the 
same day the work of destroying the houses of wor- 
ship of the Reformed was commenced. The example 
was set at Charenton. The temple, erected by the 
celebrated architect, Debrosse, capable of holding 
fourteen thousand men, was the most spacious and 
beautiful house of worship owned by the Reformed. 
In anticipation of its destruction, the congregation 
crowded the spacious area, on Sabbath the 21st, for 
their last act of solemn worship. The Papists were 
in haste to begin the work of demolition. The 
strongly built walls wearied out the enthusiasm of the 
despoilers, and men were hired to complete the work. 
The oldest minister in Paris, the venerable Claude, 
was commanded to leave the city in twenty-four hours, 
and one of the King's footmen was appointed to con- 
duct him immediately out of the kingdom. His 
colleagues were limited to forty-eight hours; and 
upon giving assurance of obedience to the order. 
Messieurs, Maynard, Allix, and Bertau were per- 
mitted to leave the kingdom unattended. 


On the same day the Attorney General, with some 
other magistrates, sent for the heads of Eeformed 
families, and declared to them **that it was the 
King's will and pleasure that they should change 
their religion ; that they were no better than the rest 
of his subjects; and that if they would not do it 
willingly, his majesty was resolved to compel them 
to do it." By orders, under the privy seal, all the 
elders of the Consistory of Paris were banished, to- 
gether with some of the congregations, of known 
resolution and tried constancy in their principles, and 
sent to places the most remote from all commerce and 

The Secretary of State, dissatisfied with the slow 
progress of the work of abjuration, invited to his 
house about one hundred and eighty merchants and 
others, and closing the doors upon them, refused to 
let any depart till they had signed a paper of abjura- 
tion of the Reformed religion, with a declaration that 
they had done it voluntarily and without compulsion. 
If any remonstrated against this act, he replied, **they 
were called, not to dispute, but obey." After much 
delay the paper was signed and the company dismissed. 

From these examples in the capital, the provinces 
understood the license they might use with the per- 
sons and property of the Huguenots. 

The pastors of the Reformed were, in general, 
allowed fifteen days for their departure from the king- 
dom ; but were forbidden to carry their movables, or 
dispose of their real estates. Their books and papers 
were retained, under pretense that they might be the 


property of tlie consistories. The consistories could 
not have leave to meet and make the assurance of 
the property belonging to the pastors, and of that 
belonging to themselves ; and the affirmation of a 
meeting held without leave was invalid. The refugee 
pastors were not permitted to take with them either 
father or mother, or brother or sister, or any relation, 
however infirm and unable to subsist by themselves. 
Their children, over seven years of age, were denied 
the privilege of accompanying their parents ; and in 
some cases, those much younger, some hanging on 
their mothers' breasts, were retained. Little infants, 
whose mothers could not afford the natural nourish- 
ment, were deprived of the care of nurses, and 
mothers were severely tried by the struggles of ma- 
ternal love conflicting between the presence, and the 
immediate comfort, of the child. If she carried it, 
the child would suffer and might die ; if she left it, it 
was yielding it to enemies. But the pastors must 
make haste to fly ; and if any l^apist desired to re- 
tain the children of Huguenots, some pretext could 
be found for their forcible retention. 

On some of the frontiers the fugitive ministers 
were detained on various pretexts ; sometimes of 
proving that they were the very persons mentioned 
in their certificates ; sometimes to give satisfaction 
whether or not there was any criminal process against 
them, or any information lodged ; sometimes to prove 
that they were not carrying away the property of the 
churches or consistories. Being detained by these 
pretexts till the fifteen days allowed for their depar- 


tare were expired, they were told they could not 
proceed on their emigration, and were subject to the 
galleys for being found in France. An enemy of a 
pastor had it in his power, by making some accusa- 
tion, to detain him in the very sight of his place of 
refuge, and have him condemned to the galleys for not 
obeying the King's order to leave France in fifteen 
days, or save himself by abjuration. Very few of 
the ministers abjured ; some few found their strength 
fail them in the hour of trial. The greater part suc- 
ceeded in passing the borders of France, in the 
allotted time of fifteen days. 

Many of the laymen entreated the court for per- 
mission to withdraw to some foreign land. Marshal 
De Schonberg got leave to retire to Portugal, and the 
Marquis De Euvigny to England. The Admiral 
Duquesne, one of the creators of the French navy, 
was called before the King and urged to change his 
religion. The old hero, showing his grey hairs, said : 
** During sixty years I have rendered unto Csesar the 
things which I owe to Csesar ; permit me now to ren- 
der unto God the things which I owe to God. " He was 
permitted, unmolested on account of his religion, to 
end his days in France. His sons were authorized 
to leave France, and their father made them swear 
never to bear arms against their country. The Prin- 
cess of Tarentura, daughter of the Landgrave of 
Hesse Cassel, with difiiculty obtained leave to go to a 
foreign land. The Countess De Roye had permission 
to go to Denmark to join her husband, appointed 
General-in-Chief of the Danish armies. No other 


exceptions were made to the Edicts, forbidding emi- 
gration, and requiring conversion to the Romish 

Permission to emigrate to foreign lands was not 
granted to the elders, members of consistories, or the 
people at large of any class whatever. They were 
called upon to aljjure their religion and attend the 
services of the National Church ; and were under the 
teachings of the Eomish clergy. To this demand 
there were different responses from the great mass of 
the Huguenots. 

1st. Those in the mountainous and more inaccessi- 
ble parts of France, Hke the Vaudois of old, resolved 
to hold to their faith, and stand on their defence. In 
their wild and retired fortresses, they resisted the 
unjust Edicts of the King. They fought for their 
religion and their homes, and drove back the forces 
that from time to time ventured to seek out their 
hiding places. They preserved the order of the 
Church ; and kept up the succession of pastors, and, 
as far as possible, repressed the spirit of fanaticism, 
to which human nature is prone hi times of great 
excitement and distress. Able commanders and pow- 
erful preachers arose as from the occasion. Assailed 
by treachery, false promises, breach of treaties, and 
alluring rewards for abjuration, the Keformed ex- 
hibited the strength human nature gathers in suffering 
for the right with a good conscience. "When, after 
the passage of a century, and superstitious forms of 
worship had supplanted, in the National Church, the 
word of God, and faith that brings salvation had 


died out for want of that food, on which alone it can 
live ; and infidelity had beguiled the mind of France 
into disbelief of all revealed religion, and had begun 
under the auspices of the religion of nature to long 
for the blood of kings and princes, resolved **to 
strangle the last King with the bowels of the last 
priest ;" and the fifth of the Bourbon line stood ar- 
rainged by a revolutionary assembly that would shed 
blood under the form of legal trial ; then the voices 
that spoke for the King^-and there were some that said 
that Louis XYI. was the lawful King of France, and 
his arraignment was treason ; these voices came from 
the descendants of the Eeformed. No suffering from 
the Bourbon Kings could induce them to take part 
with the infidels in shedding their blood. Strange 
people ! They would not kill their King, whose op- 
pressions had been untold and immeasural^le. They 
dreaded the bloodshed of infidels more than the per- 
secution of the Bourbons. 

2d. There were many who, finding themselves re- 
duced to the necessity of uniting with the National 
Church, or of being despoiled of property, and fam- 
ily, and home, and be sent to prison or the galleys ; 
deprived of the exhortations and prayers and instruc- 
tion of their pastors ; pressed by all manner of argu- 
ments, and the examples of others who had abjured 
and had saved their property, at last yielded, and, as 
the people visited by the dragonadcs till nature was 
exhausted, took the oath of abjuration. How many 
cannot be known ; but that there should be many is 
but a part of the history of human weakness. 


3(1. There were others who '* faltered hi a double 
sense," who seemed to yield and cheerfully attend the 
National Church, sometimes without and sometimes 
with the entangling oath of abjuration. Sometimes 
living secretly or retired, and sometimes more openly, 
with a design secretly cherished and sometimes avowed 
to their friends in foreign lands, of escaping at some 
favourable time, when they had conveyed their pro- 
perty in some form beyond the kingdom. Of these 
some finally emigrated , others remained and became 
reconciled to the National Church. Some lost part 
of their families by this doubtful course ; and others 
carried with them in their exile the evil habit of 
concealment and double-dealing on the subject of 

4th. The galleys became the home of many Hugue- 

The larger part of the villages and open country of 
France made an effort to follow their pastors into 
exile. By edict of the King, repeated with stringent 
additions, emigration was forbidden. Severe penalties 
were attached to the attempt to leave France. The 
officers of the customs were forbidden, under severe 
penalties, to suffer any goods, movables, merchan- 
dize, or effects of the Huguenots to be taken out of 
the kingdom. In a little time all the prisons were 
filled with men and women accused of attempts at 
emigration, or of conveying their property out of the 
country. The sufferings of the prisoners were great, 
from the barbarities of the confinement, from hunger, 
thirst, chains, separation from friends, and the pres- 


ence of disagreeable persons, and real criminals of 
great vileness. A lady of eminence, after her estate 
was seized, was thrust into confinement, and accused 
of murdering five of her children whom she had con- 
cealed away from the search of the Papists. Her two 
youngest children,one of five years and the other of two, 
were taken from her and put in a nunnery. Both 
were kept without food and whipped. The one of 
five years, not eating or drinking for forty-eight hours 
and being cruelly scourged, she resolutely refused to 
kiss the crucifix or bow to the Host. They were 
finally returned to their mother, and one in a few 
hours died in her arms. Besides imprisonment, the 
penalties of the galleys and death were attached to the 
edicts. If any minister returned to France except by 
invitation or permission of the King, he was exposed 
to sufier death. Those who sheltered ministers that re- 
mained in France, and those who aided their unper- 
mitted return were condemned to the galleys. Those 
who were arrested in their flight from any part of 
France to a foreign country were to be sent to the gal- 
leys. In the month of June 1686, there could be counted 
in the galleys at Marseilles alone, more than six hun- 
dred Huguenots condemned for refusing to abjure and 
attempting to escape to a foreign country. At 
Toulon, about as many more were in confinement. 
At that time the discipline of the galleys was exceed- 
ing severe. Admiral Baudin says, that at that time 
the galley-slaves were chained, two and two, upon the 
benches of the gallyes, and were there employed in 
plyino^ the long and heavy oars. On the keel of each 


galley, in the space between the benches of the row- 
ers, ran a gallery from end to end of the ship, called 
the *coursine,' on which continually promenaded 
overseers, known by the name of * comes,' each one 
armed with a thong from a bull's carcass, with which 
he lashed the shoulders of the wretches, who, in his 
opinion, did not row with sufficient strength. The 
galley-slaves passed their lives upon these benches. 
They ate and slept there, without being able to change 
their position more than the length of their chains 
permitted. They had no other shelter from the rain, 
the heat of the sun, or the chilling air of the night, 
than a cloth called *Traud,' which was extended 
above their benches when the galley was not under 
way, and the wind was not too violent." 

Among the galley-slaves at Marseilles, was David 
De Caumont, of the illustrious house of Caumont 
De Forres, lie was seventy-live years old when he 
was sent to that miserable confinement. With him was 
Louis De Marolles, formerly King's councellor. One 
of the aggravations of his crime was that he had re- 
sisted the earnest solicitations of Bossuet to become a 
Romanist. He was taken from Paris, with a gang of 
condemned persons, all of whom were fastened by 
a chain of sufficient length to permit them to walk 
after each other in a line. In a letter sent to his wife, 
we find him saying : * * I live at present entirely alone. 
Dread and meat are furnished me from without, aver- 
aging nme pence a day. Wine is provided me in the 
galleys, on giving for it the King's allowance of bread. 
Every one on board the galley treats me civillj^, 


because the officers visit me. I am causing a mat- 
tress to be made for myself to-day ; I will buy sheets, 
and shall do my best to make myself comfortable. 
You will say, perhaps, I am a bad manager ; but it 
was enough to be obliged to lie upon the hard boards 
from last Tuesday until this hour. If you could see 
me in my beautiful convicts' clothes, you would be 
charmed. I have a beautiful red undershirt made hke 
the frocks of the Ardennes carters. It is put on like 
a shirt, because it is open only in front. I have also a 
handsome red cap, two pairs of breeches, two shirts 
made of linen thread as large as my finger, and cloth 
stockings. The clothes I wore when at liberty are 
not lost ; and should it please the King to grant me 
grace, I will resume them. The chain which I bear 
at my feet, although it weighs but three pounds, in- 
commoded me much more in the beginning than that 
which you saw around my neck at La Fournelle." 

The hour of grace from the King never came to 
this poor suflerer. He died in the convicts' hospital 
at Marseilles, in the year 1692, and was buried in the 
Turkish cemetery, the usual burying place of the 
Huguenots who died in the galleys, maintaining the 
religious belief for which they were imprisoned. 

It was with the greatest difficulty, after repeated 
effi)rts of intercession, any one could be released 
from the galleys. In the general, efforts were not 
only ineffectual, but exposed the sufferer to greater 
indignities. As an act of grace to some court favour- 
ite, occasionally a convict was released. A murderer 


might more readily be pardoned than a Reformed con- 
demned for his faith. 

Multitudes emigrated. Guards were set at all sup- 
posed avenues of escape. The greatest vigilance was 
used to discover any preparations for emigration. 
Informers were well rewarded for any discovery, even 
when made by means of the basest treachery. The 
greatest skill and address and perseverance were ex- 
hibited, sometimes in sad, and sometimes in ludicrous 
forms, by the Huguenots to escape, and by their ene- 
mies to detect and detain them. They set out on 
their journey to the borders by night or by day, as 
was most likely to be unsuspected, and travelled by 
by-paths or open roads, or tlirough desolate places, 
under the appearance of pilgrims to the holy places, 
or as couriers from one part of the kingdom to an- 
otlier. Sometimes they might be seen moving like a 
company of sportsmen with their guns upon their 
shoulders. Others went as peasants driving cattle, 
or as porters, rolling their carts before them, as if 
loaded with merchandise. Some moved on as foot- 
men, in the livery of some rich lord ; others as soldiers 
returning to garrison — all taking care to avoid going 
in a crowd. Those who could afford to hire guides, 
paid as high as from 1000 to GOOO francs for assist- 
ance across the borders. Some travelled by night 
and concealed themselves by day in the forests and 
caverns, and in barns covered with straw and hay. 
Girls and young women blackened their faces with 
earths, or dyes, to appear as the lowest menials ; and 
sometimes dressed as servants, followed, on foot, a 


guide on horseback, who appeared as their master. 
Families were divided in the journey, and were sep- 
arated for months and even years. 

Those who hved near sea-ports, or along the shores 
of the ocean, hastened to make their escape on board 
of Dutch, or English, or Huguenot vessels. The 
masters would receive them on board at night, con- 
ceal them in bales of merchandise, or in heaps of 
coals, or in empty casks, placed with the full ones, 
holes being made for breathing and receiving some 
small refreshments ; or crowd them into secret hiding 
places in the hold ; and when out of the harbours and 
the scrutiny of the guards, release them from their 
confinement. The fear of discovery and consequent 
confinement in the galleys, made all these sufierings 
tolerable. Old men, feeble women accustomed to 
delicate living, and children, rivalled each other in 
patient endurance. Sometimes they attempted, in 
open boats, sea voyages, which in other circumstances 
would have made them shudder. Count De Marante, 
a noble of I^ormandy, crossed the British Channel in 
mid winter in a boat of seven tons, taking with him 
forty persons, some of whom were women in delicate 
health. Overtaken by a storm, he was kept out at 
sea without provision, his wife and the women and 
children quenching their thirst with melted snow, 
their only nourishment, till, half dead, they reached 
the English shore. 

The King and his court were in earnest in the work 
of converting or destroying his Huguenot subjects. 
As far as he had faith in the Church of his choice, 


his salvation depended on it. For his sins he must 
do penance ; and he would repeat his sins, and con- 
sequently needed repeated penance. The conversion 
of his kingdom, though at a loss of men and money, 
and contrary to all mercy and justice, was a penance 
for his soul. He threatened the Swiss cantons with 
vengeance if they succoured the fugitives from France. 
And yet as the converging streams of refugees con- 
centered on Geneva, she exerted herself to supply the 
wants of the thousands that came to her gates. Un- 
der the repeated demands of the King, she was com- 
pelled to ask them to move on to Holland and Ger- 
many, and gave secretly what aid was in her power. 
I Had all the officers, set to guard the coast and the 
borders, been as vehement in their zeal as the King 
and his court, it might have been worse with the 
Huguenots. By the inattention of some, and the 
kind feelings of others, multitudes escaped. In some 
cases gifts of valuable goods left in their hands, or 
on the wayside, blinded the eyes of the guards, 
especially in the night, and multitudes that might 
have been arrested escaped. 

In various ways, involving dangers, romantic efforts 
and exposures, and remarkable endurance of suffer- 
ings, great numbers left their beloved France and 
became exiles for the gospel's sake. Jurieu, himself 
a sufferer, says, in a pastoral sent back to those re- 
maining in France, that in about two years two hun- 
dred thousand Huguenots had left their homes for 
foreign Idngdoms, each carrying with him, on an 
average, 200 crowns. In 1688 one of the officials 



of government deplored the departure of one hundred 
thousand men, of 60,000,000 of money, the ruin of 
commerce, the increase of the fleets of the enemy by 
nine thousand of the best sailors in the kingdom ; and 
their armies by six hundred officers and twelve thou- 
sand veteran soldiers. Foreign computations number 
up vastly more emigrants of every class in these two 
years. The work of emigration continued for some 
years ; the scattered members of families reassembled 
in foreign lands. Others departed as soon as they 
negotiated the sale of their property. Offered at a 
great bargain, the sale of the property would be con- 
cealed by those who hoped to be the gainers. And 
the plundered joined the band of exiles. Before the 
close of the century, it appears, by computations 
founded on public record and private data, that about 
half a million of the Reformed, all loyal subjects, left 
the dominion of Louis XIV., carrying with them 
more than 100,000,000 of ready money. 

The spirit of the exiled Huguenots was as peculiar 
as the circumstances of their departure. 

1st. They carried with them an ardent and abiding 
love of France ; a preference for France above all 
other lands. They left her hills and vales and towns 
and villages with deep sorrow. With sighs and tears 
they bid farewell to their native land as it faded from 
their eyes. The homes they were forced to leave 
were always beautiful to the imagination of their 
memory. The hope that the King would open a way 
for their return to their beloved land never left them 
tiU death. The climate of France was softer and 


more congeoial than that of the more northern coun- 
tries of Europe that opened their doors for the fugi- 
tives. Their trade and the exercise of their arts 
were more pleasant and profitable in France ; and no- 
thing but the severity of Louis XIV. would have made 
them leave the land of their birth. No visions of 
extended fields, or gains in merchandise, enticed them 
away ; they were driven by certain prospects of deg- 
radation and death. The King knew their strong 
love for France, and, in prosecuting his own purposes, 
drove his subjects to desperation. The Huguenots 
loved their native language, the language of their 
fathers, the language of refinement, and power and 
literature beyond the rest of Europe ; the language 
of their prayers, their songs of praise, and of their 
religion. They never ceased its use till all hope of 
distinct nationality was gone. Even in South Caro- 
lina, presenting so many attractions to the exiles, the 
thought ot laying aside their language never seemed 
to have occurred to them, till all nationality was cut 
oft' by the stern refusal of their King to permit them 
to colonize in Louisiana. Then they amalgamated 
with the English colony, and bid farewell to France 
and their native language. 

2d. They carried with them, as a fixed principle, 
the supremacy of constitutional law. In the progress 
of the French monarchy, all classes had felt the neces- 
sity of well-defined, abiding law ; written law, con- 
stitutional law, acknowledged law ; law extending its 
influence over the extremes of society, the King and 
the beggar; law under which the artisan might toil, 


and enjoy the fruit of his labour ; law under which 
the fields and vineyards might be cultivated, and bless 
the hands that laboured, and feed the kingdom ; law 
under which a father might sleep in his dwelling, a 
palace, a chateau, or a cottage, and his family repose 
around him in safety ; law under which a man might 
live for his country, fight for his country, and die for 
his country ; believing his country and its laws would 
stand for interminable asjes. The laws of France 
were severe upon the Huguenots, yet granted them 
protection in the exercise of their conscience. These 
rights were very circumscribed, yet defined and pro- 
tected. The imperfection was borne for the limited 
blessings of protection. The last constitutional law 
put down by Louis, was the Edict protecting the Hu- 
guenots in their rights of religion and conscience. 
Then they fled from France. They went seeking for 
a home and the fellowship of churches, where these 
rights might be defended by constitutional law and 
the practice of the lawyers and courts of justice. 
They expected, they desired the government of law. 
They would not live where they could not enjoy it; 
and for its enjoyment they endured exile in all its 
hard forms. Wherever they took their abode, they 
obeyed the laws of the land. If any laws were too 
hard for them, they changed their place of abode. 

3d. They carried with them a strong attachment 
to the house of Bourbon. Believing, according to 
the established order in France, that the house of 
Bourbon held the true line of inheritence after the 
extinction of the house of Valois, they never swerved 


from their loyalty, or ceased from their eflbrts, till 
Henry IV. , the first of the Bourbon line, was seated 
upon the throne. Under his edict, the Edict of 
Nantes, pronounced perpetual, they enjoyed with lim- 
itations, the rights of conscience, and flourished. 
And never, till Louis XIV. revoked the Edict of 
Nantes, could they believe the heart of the King was 
against them ; even then, multitudes attributed their 
troubles to the King's advisers at court. They held 
Richlieu and Mazarine accountable for their troubles, 
and associated with them the reputed wife of the 
King, Madam Maintenon, and some of the lords at 
court. When the leaders in and around Rochelle 
proposed to unite the whole Huguenot body in a revolt, 
and to erect a separate government like the Dutch 
provinces, the great mass of the Reformed could not 
be persuaded to unite in the design. They had two 
strong reasons for opposing the effort : 

1st. The Huguenots were too much scattered in 
France to form a government separate from the rest 
of France ; and, 

2nd. There was no line of kings they preferred 
to the Bourbon, or from whom they could expect 
more favour. 

The wiser leaders believed their refuge under God 
was in the crown worn by a Bourbon ; and the mass of 
the people agreed with them. They believed the crown 
had been badly advised, and sought to have the advi- 
sers changed. When forced to leave France, they 
desired the continuance of the Bourbon as the legiti- 
mate line, under a change of dispensation. When- 


ever and wherever the Huguenots joined the armies 
raised in Europe against France, it was to resist the fur- 
ther extension of that severe dispensation they wished 
changed, a dispensation that had driven them from 
their homes, and was by the armies of Louis to be 
extended in Europe. They desired the destruction 
neither of France or its King. Evidence that the 
rights of conscience should be restored to them and 
maintained by the King and court would have drawn 
back to France the mass of the exiles to succour and 
defend their King. In self-defence, they fought 
against those who had done an injury to France, to 
their King, and to the best interests of mankind. 
They did not then seek a revolution in the governing 
powers, nor did they demand of Louis XVI. any thing 
beyond the restoration of their rights, and protection 
in their enjoyment. These things Louis XVI. prom- 
ised ; but the phrenzy of the Revolutionists unbridled 
in the absence of the Huguenot population scattered 
in exile, swept away the King and court and nobles 
and National Church into one great sea of blood. 
' 4th. The Huguenots carried with them well defined 
views of the rights of conscience. William of Orange 
is honoured in history for publisliing and defending 
the right of men to freedom of conscience. He was, 
however, not the first to bring to light that lost truth. 
The great councellor Le Hospital had proclaimed it in 
the court of France before him, and he seems to have 
embraced it as a part of the principles of the Hugue- 
nots. They believed that conscience ought to follow 
the revealed will of God ; that conscience was not a 



law unto itself, and could never be ; that God was 
its Lord and had revealed truth proper and sufficient 
for its guide ; that to enquire what conscience should 
approve, was to enquire what God had revealed ; and 
what God had revealed was to be determined by the 
words and laws of the language God had chosen as 
the medium of His conversation with the prophets, 
and of His revelations to the family of man ; and for 
this determination two things were required : 1st. A 
knowledge of the structure and use of language, and, 
2nd. A willingness to be taught of God as the great 
Author of morals and religion. 

No fundamental law of conscience was left to tra- 
ditions or to the decisions of religious councils or pol- 
itical governments. The Huguenots always asked 
to be tried by the word of God, and if their princi- 
ples were not found there, they were to be cast out ; 
if conscience did not act according to God's word, it 
was to be reproved and instructed. They believed 
that in all important matters, God had expressed His 
will plainly. Some where in His word, perhaps in 
many places, they ex^^ected to find the divine pleasure 
expressed with clearness in regard to all moral and 
spiritual things ; and that by some precept or exam- 
ple of things approved and thhigs forbidden, the line 
of duty could be found. They thought that agree- 
ment in the interpretation of Scripture as it is, and 
not as it might be, is necessary to church-fellowship ; 
and this interpretation to be according to the known 
and received principles of language. The appeal on 


right and wrong in action and in principle, is not to 
inward light, or to man's conscience for decision ; but 
conscience and all the powers of man's soul are referred 
to God's word as the rule, and then the appeal is made 
to judgment and feeling and conscience for action. ' 
The purity of the church is in its agreement with the 
word of God. By the word of God, the ministration 
of the word and the direction of the general affairs of 
the church are committed to persons chosen for the 
purpose, whose judgment is to decide questions of 
morality and religion that arise between man and 
man. The officers of the church may upon reflection 
reverse or alter their own decisions, in regard to what 
is in agreement with the word of God, but never as 
correcting or supplementing revelation. 

5th. They held it as an undeniable truth that all 
men had rights ; and that the sum and measure of 
these rights varied. Some rights, as life and limbs, 
were common to all. And no right could be taken 
till it was evident that the pubhc good demanded it ; 
to that, all private right gave way. The taking away 
any right without consent, or law, or remuneration, 
was tyranny, to be resisted till justice be done. The 
King had many and great and peculiar rights ; the 
peasant some smaller but very precious rights and 
privileges. The peasant in taking from or withhold- 
ing the rights of the King was guilty of treason in 
some of its degrees ; and the King in withholding or 
taking away the rights of the weakest member of his 
kingdom, was guilty of tyranny. They did not be- 
lieve that all men were equal in mind, body, or estate ; 


or that all men were born equally free ; but that some 
of the essentials of freedom belong to all, and that in 
multitudes of cases the freedom of all is circumscribed. 
The degrees of tyranny are many ; and the court of 
France had ascended very high in the scale, before 
they felt it was time to flee for their lives and honor, 
and that further endurance was first dishonour and then 
death. His right to their particular service was out- 
weighed by the dishonour and pillage and death he had 
thrown upon them. Their ability to serve in honour 
was taken away by the King ; and with it went their 
obligations ; and they fled to foreign lands, loving 
France, and recognizing the Bourbon as the only con- 
stitutional King of France. 

6tli. They carried with them a firm belief of that 
system of doctrine sometimes called Augustinian, 
from its great expositor Augustine ; sometimes Cal- 
vinism, from their countryman, its interpreter, John 
Calvin ; and sometimes Predestinarian, in distinction 
from all systems not recognizing the will of God as 
the great principle in the divine government ; some- 
times doctrhies of grace, to distinguish them from all 
reliance upon the works of man, in any form, for 
justification unto life; sometimes the doctrines of 
Protestants, or of the Reformation, as distinct from 
all the peculiarities of Romanism. This system had 
been stated and explained and defended by the min- 
isters of the Reformed in France, and was the life of 
the religion of the Huguenots. The doctrines of 
grace sustained them in the suflerings and wander- 
ings of their exile. They trusted in the Almighty 



power, the love, mercy, and gracious government of 
God , and in the advocacy and atonement and right- 
eousness of Jesus Christ, with the gracious aid and 
presence of the Holy Ghost; and went forth, not 
knowing whither they went. And they were led 
wisely and well. 

7th. Of the government and worship of their 
Church, they left behind their national and provincial 
Synods; but carried with them their pastors and 
elders and deacons, with their consistories and classes, 
and theu' peculiar forms of worship by which they 
had been distinguished before the separation from the 
National Church, and the formation of the Reformed 
French. The forms of worship and the creed were 
first reformed ; and then the church gathered, and 
the Form of Government introduced, under which 
the Huguenots lived in France, and which they car- 
ried into their exile. Purely Presbyterial in their 
Church Government, and their forms of worship and 
discipline, the Reformed French had ever been prom- 
inent in expressing their desires, that all Protestant 
churches should be bound together in bonds of 
closest union. By positive orders of their sovereign 
they ceased from public expressions of these desires. 
But the time came that they must go forth and make 
trial of their own spirit of forbearance and love, and test 
the principles and practice of their brethren of other 
nations; and learn from trial whether **in essentials 
unity, in non-essentials liberty, and in all things cha- 
rity," was laid a foundation broad enough to embrace 
the Christian world. The French intellect and the 


French heart in the mild climate, but under the des- 
potic government of France, had declared it a great 
truth of revelation, that the unity of the spirit might 
be preserved in the bonds of peace ; the trial was now 
wliat would be their decision in the colder climate of 
tlie northern powers. 

8th. They carried with them their love of literature 
and their manner of preaching the gospel. That there 
was power in the Huguenot pen and in their pulpit is 
most clear, from two considerations: 1st. The perse- 
vering efforts of the King, Louis XIV., to eradicate 
their literature and to destroy their pulpit. The King, 
in his desire to reduce the church to unity, as he had 
the State of France, and to have the unity of both in 
himself, had exerted all his concentrated powder under 
the su2:2:estions of his ministers and the ladies of the 
court. He had encouraged literature, favourable to 
the Romish church, in every department — poetry, the- 
ology, science, history and politics. Whoever wrote 
well was rewarded in a substantial manner. Contro- 
versial works, deprecating the Reformed faith, or 
people, in any form the ingenuity of man could de- 
sire, were praised and rewarded. Unwilling to trust 
to the merits of his literature for success against the 
Huguenots, he commanded their literature to be de- 
stroyed. An edict was passed in the year to 

insure the extirpation of all traces of the efforts of 
their pens in favour of the Reform and against the 
Romish church. A list was made out of books to be 
destroyed, amounting to five hundred. The books 
were, as far as practicable, gathered and burned. 


And by the Eevocation, all the Huguenot ministers 
were commanded to leave the country within fifteen 
days, or change their religion. The greatest lu- 
minaries of the Romish church had been employed 
to preach against the Reformed. And all acts of 
authority were used against them, and every motive 
of selfish interest brought to influence them to aban- 
don the Reform. And yet the King was not prepared 
to rest the controversy there. He was not sure of 
victory till he had banished the ministers and shut up 
the pulpits in France. The King's acts expressed his 
sense of the power of the literature and preaching of 
the Reformed, that they had no superiors in France. 
2d. The continual care exercised by the Reformed 
Church throughout her judicatories to improve the 
literature and the pulpit would naturally produce ex- 
cellence. The National Synod, in all its meetings^ 
showed its anxiety on these matters, condemning 
hasty productions and unsound books ; commending 
those that were well done, requiring that all manu- 
scripts should undergo an examination before publi- 
cation; and calling on men of acquirements and 
talents to prepare books on given subjects on which 
they might be expected to excel. From the first to 
the last of the existence of the National Synod, spe- 
cial attention was given to the education of youth 
generally, and especially for the ministry, providing 
universities, colleges, and schools of lesser grade, at 
which they might be taught, and giving encourage- 
ment to excellence. Ministers were discouraged from 
following any avocation in connexion with the minis- 


try ; teacliing youth appears to be the only exception. 
Their training fitted them for their arduous labours ; 
and their labours forced them to exert themselves to 
the utmost. 

The manner of their preaching came under the 
constant supervision of the judicatories. The Bible 
being their text-book, and containing all the truth 
necessary for man to know for his greatest good, the 
ministry were expected to explain and enforce it on 
men's consciences and hearts. By the power of its 
truth they expected to gain converts and build up 
believers in the life of godliness and the comfort 
of a good hope through grace. The ministers in re- 
pute were, 1st. Earnest preachers — earnest in every 
respect — in matter, and turn of thought, and in feel- 
ing, and in delivery of their discourses. The attention 
of men was to be arrested, and obedience to the truth 
obtained, and that against the greatest oppositions. 
It was often an impassioned earnestness. It seemed 
to opposers to be fierce — they wished to call it ma- 

2d. Simplicity was encouraged, in the manner of 
unfolding a subject, and in the arguments and illustra- 
tions used, and in the language, that the subject 
might be understood by old and young, the learned 
and unlearned. The subject being some of the great 
truths of revelation which God wishes man to under- 
stand and feel, not as the consequence of a long train 
of argument, however strong or clear, but as things 
lie has revealed for salvation, and to be received on 
His divine authority, the ministry were expected to 


explain, not prove, the word of God, and to enforce 
it by considerations drawn from the same divine 
source. The ministers and candidates were repeatedly 
enjoined to av^id ** curious questions and intricate 
discussions" in their public discourses, and to employ 
their time and talents, and the time of the people, in 
setting forth some of the great truths of salvation 
brought forth from the treasury of the Lord. 

3d. Tenderness in feeling and words and manner 
was expected from a minister of God, whose great 
business was to set forth God's purity and exceeding 
kindness, flowing forth in such a channel as the 
blessed Son of God. The kind and tender feelings 
of men were addressed through \\q^q gj^d iear by 
divine truth, rather than the strong passions and 
appetites, to give, if possible, the gentler powers of 
men's hearts, by the grace of God, the dominion over 
the fierce and clamorous, and to turn the lion into the 
lamb, and bring men, rebellious as the lunatic among 
the tombs, to sit, clothed and in their right minds, at 
the feet of Jesus. 

With a proper education, and these qualities, a 
Christion youth was admitted with hope to the minis- 
try, even if his natural powers of mind were not 
above the medium class of men, the church relying 
more on the piety of the ministry than on the talents 
of the ministry. 

When God had given powers of mind of a high 
order, or endowed the soul with the creative strength 
of imagination, and adorned the minister with an 
imposing form and winning address, or a voice of 


sweetness or of power, then the church expected that 
all these gifts should be employed to wm the atten- 
tion of men to the practice of godliness. All could 
be earnest, and intelligible, and tende;*, in explaining 
and enforcing the word of God, and leading men to 
purity and luve. In the weakest hands the things of 
Christ's kingdom have a pathos that reaches the heart ; 
and from the lips of the highly endowed flow words 
of love and power that are as resistless in winning 
the attention of an audience to hear the gospel they 
do not love, among a rude people, as it was in the 
days of Louis XIV. in France. 

The church judicatories had from the ealiest times 
insisted that the ministry should not introduce politi- 
cal discussions into the pulpit ; and that they should 
not be leaders in political assemblies ; they ever dis- 
approved of their being members of political bodies. 
The work of the ministry was enough for them. 



The immediate effects of the repeal of the Edict of Nantes on 
the prosperity of France. 

WHILE the wail of the departing Huguenot, un- 
observed by man, ascended to that ear which is 
always open to the cry of His distressed people, the 
King and his court, the officers of his church, the 
monks and nuns, and the mass of common people 
were rejoicing over the deeds done and the prospects 
before them. Houses and lands were abandoned, and 
to be purchased at a cheap rate, or taken as rewards 
for severity against the owners ; no opposition to pro- 
cessions and church rites, or holy days ; no further 
cry of anti- Christ to vex the King's ears ; and besides 
the wages of the dragoons, some silver streams from 
the plunder of the Huguenots found their way into 
the King's treasury. In the excitement of domestic 
triumph over enemies that had contended bravely for 
more than a century and a half, and the stirring events 
of foreign wars, none had considered the wasting in- 
fluence of the persecution and exile of the Huguenots. 
It had not been duly considered that from the taking 
of Rochelle in 1629, emigration from France had gone 
in great waves and little ripples, adding from time to 
time to the great sum total, till the last fatal edict had 


precipitated half a million more of Freuclimen upon the 
Protestant nations of Europe. They had not observed 
that the diflerent emigrations had carried away from 
the national wealth of France enough to enrich the 
Protestant world : that in preparations for the expect- 
ed edict of repeal, millions of the property of the 
Huguenots had been left in foreign nations ; that 
myriads of men and women had been making prepa- 
ration for exile, and had departed like birds in the 
night to distant lands, as the evil came; that the visi- 
ble emigration of the poorer classes did not compare 
with the more secret departure of the more wealthy ; 
and that the forsaken houses, and the vacant factories, 
and idle mills, and deserted workshops, told of departed 
wealth and of coming trouble. 

Events in a nation's liistory move slower than in 
the life of individuals, but surely in time reveal their 
nature and their hifluences. The revenues of the 
kingdom began to fall short of the vast expenditures. 
The King's gifts were not in the least circumscribed ; 
and the pleasures of the court and the expenses of 
his foreign wars rolled up from year to year a formi- 
dable amount to be provided for by his treasury. 
The intendents of the provinces, in the reports they 
were called to make of the resources of their several 
departments, and of the revenues resulting, were com- 
pelled to admit a great falling off of the King's usual 
income in those provinces which had been the resi- 
dence of the Huguenots, and the scene of their indus- 
try. From reports in the year 1698, made by order 
of the King, compiled by men whose interest it was 


to present to their sovereign the most favourable con- 
dition of the finances, preserved in the archives of 
France, and by royal authority laid open to inspec- 
tion, it appears that in a few years the loss in the 
manufacturing interests had been immense, and in 
the mercantile interests no less. 

1st. The loss in the manufacturing interests by the 
exile of the Huguenots. There were in and around 
Casteljaloux, in the district of Bordeaux, a great num- 
ber of Huguenots engaged in making fine paper. The 
greater part of these fled, carrying their property and 
art with them. The rich manufacturers of Ambert, 
in Auvergne, left the kingdom with a great part of 
their experienced workmen, and threw most of the 
paper mills out of employ, and nearly ruined the 
trade. The paper manufactories of Angoumois were 
reduced from sixty to sixteen working mills, the w^ork- 
men following their employers to foreign lands, the 
first going for interest, and the last for religion. 

Of the four hundred tanneries which enriched 
Touraine, there remained but fifty-four in 1698. Of 
the eight thousand looms for silk-stufi:s, there remained 
but twelve hundred. The seven hundred silk mills 
were reduced to seventy, and of the forty thousand 
workmen employed in reeling and manufacturing the 
silk, only four thousand remained ; and of the three 
thousand ribbon looms, not more than sixty remained. 
The two thousand four hundred bales of silk used in 
the maufactories were reduced to eight hundred. 

Of the eighteen thousand looms for the manufac- 
ture of all kinds of stufl's which had been employed 


in Lyons, there remained in 1698 about four tliou* 
sand. The masters, with their riches and workmen, 
had emigrated. 

The families of the Reformed, in and around the 
city of Paris, emigrated in great numbers, and with 
them departed the masters and workmen in the man- 
ufacture of gold and silver lace, to the impoverishing 
of many towns in the neighbourhood of the city. 

In Kormandy, the loss by emigration was incalcu- 
lable. The city of Caen, engaged in foreign com- 
merce, lost her richest citizens by emigration, to the 
undoing of the trade of the place. The entire popu- 
lation of Coutances emigrated, taking wdth them the 
manufactories of fine linen. More than twenty-six 
thousand habitations were lett deserted in the various 
villages of this province, the emigrants carrying their 
manufactures and commerce with them. 

In the district of Alen9on, some three thousand 
Huguenots, that had enriched the city with their trade, 
emigrated and carried their wealth with them. 

In the province of Champagne, of eighteen hun- 
dred and twelve looms in Rheims, only about one 
half were left. In Rethel, there remained only about 
thirty-eight woolen factories out of eighty. In Mez- 
iers, of one hundred and nine looms for the manufac- 
tory of serge, there remained but eight. The manu- 
factory of fine cloth at Lezannc had but two work- 
men left. 

The little principality of Sedan suftered greatly. 
In the villages of Givonne and Daigny, employed in 
the working of iron, sixty makers of stoves, scythes, 


and other utensils, emigrated in one month. The 
flourishing city sunk down to a poor borough town 
by the diminution of its inhabitants and its wealth. 
The workmen that remained after the masters emi- 
grated were left without employ and without bread. 
It was long before Sedan recovered in any degree this 

In Brittany, the trade carried on at Landerneau, 
Brest and Morlaix in fine linen, had decreased two- 
thirds. The manufacture of sail-cloth in Eennes, 
N"antes, and Vitre, diminished from year to year till 
the peasants ceased by little and little to cultivate 
hemp. In many places the manufacturers were glad 
to sell out their raw material and renounce the busi- 

In Maine, the manufactories of linen fell to decay. 
Of the twenty thousand workmen, but about six thou- 
sand, including women and children, who spun and 
reeled, remained. 

These are examples of the ruin of cities and villages 
by the departure of the Huguenots, carrying their 
arts and wealth and workmen with them, impoverish- 
ing the provinces of France, and enriching the rest of 

2d. The injury to commerce ivas greater than the loss 
felt by the manufactories by this emigration. The owners 
of the shipping were Huguenots. The owners of the 
goods embarked in trade were Huguenots. The 
sailors and ship-masters were likewise Huguenots. 
The commerce with foreign nations, carried on by 
these people, enriched France. The vessels carried 


abroad the products of Huguenot skill, in forms 
alluring to foreigners, and returned with money, and 
the raw material, purchased for manufacturing pur- 
poses, at a cheap rate, soon to be returned to the pro- 
ducers in fabrics of immensely increased value ; and 
bringing back to France an increase of wealth to her 
citizens, and abundant revenues to the crown. French 
fabrics were ever admired in Europe, and never more 
decidedly than at the time of the revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes. The effect on the revenue to the 
crown began to be felt immediately ; and the splendid 
court of the Bourbons, in the midst of the glory of 
the empire, the most fascinating Europe had seen for 
centuries, began to contract the debt, which was im- 
mense at the death of Louis XIV. , and under Louis 
XVI. involved the royal family in ruin. The pros- 
perity of the Huguenots was the life-blood of the 
treasury of France ; and their exile was the in- 
evitable bankruptcy of the court. 

According to McPherson, the annual export from 
France to Holland suffered in the articles of silk- 
stuffs, velvets, woolens and linens, of French pro- 
ductions at the rate of 600,000 pounds sterling; in 
hats 217,000 pounds sterling ; glasses, clocks, watches 
and household articles, 160,000; of lace, gloves and 
paper, 260,000 ; of sack-cloth, flax-cloth and canvass, 
165,000; in soap, saffron, honey and spun woolens, 
300,000,— total, 1,702,000 pounds sterhng. 

Loss of exports to England for same reasons was 
1,800,000 pounds sterhng. The total to these two 
kingdoms, by means of the emigration, was about 


3,582,000 pounds sterling annually. The loss of 
revenue, on exports and imports, was to France 
1,500,000 pounds sterling each year, from these two 
nations only. Ko computation has been made for 
the loss from all other nations. 

3d. The exile of some seven hundred Huguenot min- 
isters inflicted an irreparable loss on the literature of 
France. In theology there were men of clear intel- 
lect and warm hearts, whose volumes have enlightened 
Europe with their clear definitions, their comprehen- 
sive views, their powerful logic, and impressive illus- 
trations. Abaddie went to Berlin and published a 
work he projected in Paris — a treatise on the truth of 
the Christian religion — of which Bo\'le said: **Iti3 
long since a book has been written with greater force 
or breadth of genius.'* The pastor Claude went to 
England, and there produced a volume — **The Com- 
plaints of the Protestants cruelly persecuted in the 
kingdom of France," which, by its immense circu- 
lution, alarmed the French court. Its condemnation 
was pronounced by the King of England to conciliate 
Louis XIY. The numerous works of this man, par- 
ticularly his '< Essay on the Composition and Delivery 
of Sermons," have not lost their influence to this day. 
Samuel Delangle and Pierre Allix, pastors of the 
church of Charenton, near Paris, were fine examples 
of pulpit eloquence. The writings of Allix, like his 
preaching, were appropriate to the condition of the 
church ; and are read with pleasure and profit to this 
day. Louis XIV. used the means which he judged 
irresistible to induce his return to Paris and making 


peace with the Romish church. By his order his 
secretary wrote to his embassador in England: **If 
you can approach that minister and persuade him to 
return to France, with the intention of being con- 
verted, you may offer him, without hesitation, a 
pension of from three to four thousand livres ; and if 
it should be necessary to go further, 1 have no doubt' 
that, upon the notice you will give me of it, the King 
will consent to grant him favours still more conside- 
rable ; in which case be assured that you will have 
done a thing most pleasing to his majesty." All in 
vain. He remained in England, and received marks 
of honour from the universities ; had the favour of 
Bishop Burnet; and was employed by the English 
clergy to write the history of the councils of the 
church. His colleague, Delangle, received honorary 
appointments from the English clergy. 

Saurin preached five years in London, and in 1705 
accepted an invitation to the Hague, in which place he 
became matured in his eloquence, and took his station 
among the first of pulpit orators. The most splendid 
part of Abaddie's public ministry was in London, 
after his return from Ireland, where he witnessed the 
death of his friend, Schon])erg, in the battle of the 
Boyne. He l)ecame a model of the English preachers. 
His pen was called hito service by King William IH., 
by whom he was also employed to pronounce the 
funeral oration of (iueen Mary. The pastor Droz 
exercised his ministry in Dublin ; established the first 
literary journal in that city, and founded a library on 
College Green. 


More than two hundred Huguenot ministers were 
scattered through the United Provinces of Holland ; 
men who preferred exile to loss of the freedom of 
conscience, and carried by their weight of character 
the greatest authority. Their names were pronounced 
with respect. Of these Saurin took the lead. Of 
him Abaddie said, when he first heard him : **Is this 
a man, or an angel, who is speaking to us ?" Nothing 
in Bourdalaue, Fenelon, Massillon, and Fleihier sur- 
passed his exhibitions in the pulpit. The refugees 
considered Claude their oracle, the man best capable 
of meeting in controversy, Armaud and Bossuet. 
Jurieu had, like Claude, a great power over men in 
controversial writings. He maintained, in his replies 
to Bossuet, in his treatise on the Power of the Church, 
that the great Christian society, the church, is com- 
posed of all the several societies which recognize the 
law of Christ, and have held to the foundations of 
the faith. 

Du Bosc fled to Rotterdam. Of him Louis said, 
after his speech at court against an edict of the Parlia- 
ment: ** Madame, I have just listened to the man 
who speaks the best of all my kingdom ;" and turn- 
ing to his courtiers : * * it is certain I never heard one 
speak so well." From his attachment to the princi- 
ples of St. Augustine, he was called ** the preacher 
of grace." Superville became colleague of Du Bosc. 
Of great polish, and of elegant manners, he often 
said: "A Christian orator ought to have religion in 
his heart, even more than in his spirit." From his 
gentleness, and his purity of speech, and courtly man- 


ners, he was the Fenelon of the Protestants. David 
Martin became preacher at Utrecht. He puhhshed 
a translation of the Bible, which was nniversally 
adopted by the French churches of Holland, Swit- 
zerland, and England, It has continued in use to 
this day, and is now circulated by the British and 
Foreigh Bible Society. These are specimens of the 
theological scholars and preachers that fled from 
France, and bereft her of her ornaments. 

4th. France lost by the emigration of many of her 
best soldiers. The Huguenonts had ever defended 
the honour of their King and country, and every 
rank of society entered the army. The Hugue- 
not nol)les, and the Huguenot mechanics, and the 
Huguenot peasants, were all found in the army, in 
cases of necessity, and ever were classed among the 
best of soldiers. Multitudes of these fled from France 
when they could no longer have liberty to worship 
God according to the convictions of their conscience 
and the habits of their fathers. The Prince of Tar- 
entum took service in the Dutch army ; the Duke De 
la Trimeville in Hesse ; Count De Roye in Denmark ; 
Counts Beauveau and Briquemault went to the Dutchy 
of Brandenbourgh ; De Hallard was made private 
Councellor and Major-General by the Elector; De la 
Cave became Major-General in his army ; and Du 
Plessis Gauret became Commandant of Magdeburg 
and Spandou. The number of oflicers who retired 
to Brandenburgh may be reckoned at six hundred. 
From these the Elector received most signal services. 
Of all these the Marquis De Varennes was the most 


noble. He became Lieutenant-Colonel in active ser- 
vice, having his officers mostly of refugee Huguenots. 
When the Prince of Orange embarked at Naerden 
to take possession of the EngUsh crown, in his little 
army of fifteen thousand men were three regiments 
of foot and a squadron of horse, composed entirely of 
refugees from France. Each of these regiments had 
an efl:ective force of seven hundred and fifty men; in 
all, two thousand two hundred and fifty. Besides 
these, no less than seven hundred and thirty-six offi- 
cers were dispersed among the other parts of the 
army, constituting about one-fifth of the whole army. 
About eighty officers trained under Cond6 and Tu- 
renne were in the expedition, holding the highest 
offices. Frederic Armond de Schonberg may be con- 
sidered the military leader of the expedition. To him 
the Princess of Orange committed by private instruc- 
tions the direction of aftairs, should her husband fall 
in the enterprise. Public opinion had placed him next 
to Cond6 and Turenne ; and Conde compared him to 
Turenne, of whom he had said : **If I were to swap 
myself, it would be for Turenne ; he is the only leader 
with whom I would be willing to exchange even." 
The success of the expedition was greatly advanced 
by this brave and experienced commander. In the 
battle of the Boyne, which settled the crown on Wil- 
liam, and broke up all the hopes of Louis XI Y. for a 
Popish succession in England, the brave old man 
poured out his life in the hour of victory. 

5th. France lost by the emigration many men of 
letters and artists. Besides the pastors who were 


eminent for their literature, other men of eminence 
escaped to foreign lands. Rocanles of Beziers became 
historiographer of the family of Bi-ancienburgh, and had 
for his successor the learned Puftendorf. Larrey and 
Rapin made themselves famous by their works in 
English history. Many lawyers of eminence left 
their homes for conscience' sake, and found a residence 
in different parts of Europe. Eminent physicians and 
surgeons took refuge in foreign lands. Skilful artists 
sought the free exercise of their religion and their 
taste among the different kingdoms of Europe. Jus- 
tel, private secretary of Louis XIV., became librarian 
to the King of England 

Louis XTV. rejoiced over the unity of the Church 
in France, of which, as King, he was the political 
head. lie controlled its funds, moulded its doctrines 
and fashioned its discipline. His court rejoiced in the 
triumph of forms of worship and articles of belief, 
under whose influence they could be devout without 
morality. The Romish party congratulated them- 
selves and the followers of the Pope throughout Eu- 
rope on their delivery from the opposing influence of 
Huguenot moraUty, Huguenot worship. Huguenot 
faith, both in the living and the dying. Louis thought 
himself King indeed ; and the clergy hailed the Pope 

2d. The extent to which any power, political or 
religious, must go that would control the conscience 
by authority. Louis XIV. tried all the expedients of 
his father, under the cardinals, in vain. He increasd 
the seductive influences of honourable posts, titles. 


annuities, gifts, in hand and more in property, with 
an array of indignities, disabilities, losses, bodily suf- 
fering, and domestic trials, to lead men to be con- 
verted to the religion of the court. He had encour- 
aged the dragoons in their plunderings and inflictions 
of horrible assaults and pains ; and yet the persecuted 
Church flourished. The number of those that swerved 
from the faith was supplied by the coming generation ; 
and the sufferings of the Church were her life. 

The loss of the most enterprising population, of 
vast wealth, of trades, of manufactories, of com- 
merce, of soldiers and sailors, persons of all ages and 
ranks, men who loved France and would have served 
the King, form the sacrifice made by arbitrary power, 
for the destruction of freedom of conscience in France. 
The price paid for the temporary success was beyond 
the strength of the nation. The mo&t splendid king- 
dom in Europe began to give signs of a coming 
change. The progress was novel. The end filled 
Europe first with amazement and then with the clash 
of arms. 



The effects of the 'Revocation of the Edict of Nantes upon the 
rrotestant Nations of Europe. 

THE cities and towns of Protestant Europe, partic- 
ularly those whose creeds and forms harmonized 
with the Reformed Church of France, opened their 
gates to the exiles, made by the revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes. 

Ist. The lleformed cantons of Switzerland. In 
the town of Basle a Church was founded by tlie 
exiles from France on the occasion of the Massacre 
of St. Bartholomew's day. The leaders were the 
two sons of the Admiral Coligny, who fled from 
France on hearing of the murder of their father. 
The canton of Berne, daring the troubles under 
Charles IX., Henry HI., and Louis XIH., received 
many exiles. A nobleman, who saved the life of 
Henry IV. on the day of Contras, returned to Lau- 
sanne. A celebrated engineer established himself in 
Berne, built the ramparts of the city, founded a 
French Church, and provided it with a pastor in 
1623. Geneva, from the time she embraced the 
Reformed faith, was always ready to receive the 
exiles from France. She strengthened herself, from 


time to time, by the Huguenot exiles. The circum- 
stances of the death of Henry IV. determined some 
nobles to make Geneva their home. Such was the 
respect felt for Geneva in France, that when she was 
threatened by the Duke of Savoy, many nobles 
offererd their personal services ; others sent money ; 
and the Duke De Bouillon sent his engineer to repair 
her ramparts. She was assured that **all well-bal- 
lanced minds made general cause with her." After 
the taking of Rochelle, the Duke De Laubin repaired 
to Geneva. After performing some military exploits 
for the Swiss, he fell in battle at Rheinfell, mortally 
wounded, lighting under the Duke of Weimar. He 
was interred at Geneva with great pomp in the Church 
of St. Peter, according to a strong desire he expressed 
to be buried in the town he had ever loved. His 
monument may yet be seen representing a warrior of 
the 16th century. 

The persecutions, which preceded the revocation, 
sent multitudes of exiles to Geneva. When the dra- 
goons went to Gex and Bresse to enforce conversion 
to Rome, multitudes hastily fled. On the 21st day 
of September, 1685, they began to arrive at Geneva 
hi masses, with their valuables in wagons. In a few 
weeks exiles flocked there from Dauphin and Langue- 
doc, and soon from the other provinces of the king- 
dom. Jacques Flournoy, in his manuscript, says : 
*' Every day there continue to arrive a great many of 
these poor people, and their number already exceeds 
many thousands. Among others, numerous French 
ministers have passed through ; and although they 


remain but a few days in the city, more than fifty of 
them may be seen at a time. The French fund is 
drained. On the 9th of November two hundred and 
twenty-eight, from the pays de Gex alone, were re- " 
ceived. By the 15th of November a thousand from 
that single country had already received assistance." 
The *' French fund" was instituted in 1545 by David 
De Busanton, who bequeathed half his fortune to the 
general hospital, and the other half to the refugees. 
This fund was enriched from time to time by the 
Keformed, anxious to do good, and to show their 
gratitude for favours. In 1687 the tide of emigra- 
tion flowed strong to Geneva. Flournoy, under date 
of May 25th, says: ** Every day a surprising number 
of Frenchmen arrive, who have fled from the king- 
dom for religion's sake. It has been remarked that 
hardly a week passes that as many as three hundred 
do not come, and this has continued since the end of 
winter. Some days as many as a hundred and twenty 
reach here,in numerous bands. Most of them are young 
tradesmen, but there are also people of quality." 
Again he says: *' During all this time, there passes 
through the city a surprising number of poor French 
refugees, who enter by the new gate and leave by 
the lake. Most of them are from Dauphiny. As 
many as three hundred arrive every day. On the 
16th, 17th and 18th of August, eight hundred in all 
entered the city. The fund is entirely exhausted. 
Its capital two years ago was more than eight thou- 
sand crowns ; but it has no longer any thing, not- 
withstanding the considerable charities it has received. 


On tlie 15tli of August fifteen hundred francs were 
distributed. During all this year it has distributed 
five hundred crowns monthly. The Council gave 
five hundred crowns to the fund, the churches of 
the country as much more, and the hospital the 
same, besides taking care of all the sick. The revenue 
of all the Thursday charity boxes was granted them 
throughout the year. The Italian fund also gave 
five hundred crowns. The public, in their turn, fur- 
nished the boat for transporting the refugees to Swit- 
zerland, which amounted to about a thousand crowns 
for the year. It is said, that in the five weeks, which 
ended on the 1st of September, nearly eight thousand 
of them entered the city, so that, although they left 
every day by the lake, there were ordinarily about 
three thousand in Geneva." The ofi^cial registers 
say: ** March 4th, 1687. Crowds of refugees are 
seen m the public places. May 24th. From twelve 
to thirteen hundred persons have arrived in this city 
from the Spays de Gex. August 31st. The list of 
refugees, who arrived yesterday at Neufe, amounts to 
about eight hundred. The hospitals have been or- 
dered to provide sheds to shelter those who arrive. 
September 16th. During the past week, about eleven 
hundred and fifty refugees arrived. On the 24th of 
November a solemn fast was celebrated." 

When the French prisons were thrown open, in 
1688, and a crowd of captives set at liberty, numer- 
ous prisoners of illustrious birth were escorted to the 
frontiers, and there heard their sentence of eternal 


banishment from France ; and were dismissed with a 
few pistoles out of their confiscated property. 

The King of France sent to Geneva a letter, re- 
quiring all who had left France to return home ; and 
forbade the Genevese receiving any that left France 
without permission. The affairs of a military nature 
engrossed the attention of the King ; and the heavy 
threats he uttered against Geneva were never executed. 

The Protestant cantons of Switzerland were as 
ready as Geneva to welcome and assist the refugees. 
On account of the smallness of their territories, and 
the roughness of the surface, they could permit but 
about twenty thousand of the exiles to remain in 
Geneva, Berne, Zurich, N'eufehold, Schoffhausen, 
and St. Gall. The influence of this number of ac- 
tive persons was speedily felt in the agriculture and 
mechanic arts of Switzerland. Improved gardening 
added greatly to the comfort of the towns. Geneva 
received a great number of master watchmakers, 
goldsmiths and jewelers. As early as 1685, ^ve 
thousand watches were yearly supplied to commerce. 
Berne profitted by the cultivation of the mulberry- 
tree. Lausanne received hat manufactories, together 
with those of chintz and stockings. 

At the head of the military men, that remained in 
Switzerland, was Henri, the son of the celebrated 
Admiral Duquesne. Not being permitted to take his 
father's body, he carried with him the embalmed 
heart. lie erected a centotaph, inscribed, **This 
tomb awaits the remains of Duquesne. Traveller, 


interrogate the court, the army, the Church, and 
even Asia, Africa, and the two oceans : ask them 
why a superb mausoleum has been erected to the 
brave Ruyter, and none to Duquesne, his conquerer ? 
I see that, through respect to the great King, thou 
darest not break silence." The soldiers, refugees, 
always took part in the defence of their adopted country, 
Switzerland, and contributed not a little to the armies 
that finally brought to naught the projects of Louis. 
One of the emigrants, Cavalier, returned to his 
native country, and became the military head of the 
Camisards, when only twenty-one years old, and is 
noted in history. He was entrapped by Marshal Vil- 
liers, with the promises of protection for himself and 
countrymen, and conducted to Paris. There, on an 
interview with the King, he found he had been de- 
ceived, but in nothing degraded. He escaped from 
France, and served in the armies of the Protestants. 

Switzerland received her portion of men of litera- 
ture and science, and from them obtained the advan- 
tage of improved language, and arts and philosophy. 
These refugees were superceded by the literary refu- 
gees of Louis XV., who did so much to corrupt 
Switzerland ; and to these were added the political 
refugees in later times, which injured all Europe by 
their free thinking. 

At the close of the year 1685, about two hundred 
pastors had retired to Switzerland. Of all that may 
be considered as refugees, the name of Antoine 
Court, the founder of a divinity school at Lausanne, 
to supply preachers to the Eeformed churches in the 


mountains of France, stands first. He is worthy of 
a memoir ; and his history would relate the most 
important facts in the war of the Camisards, and 
those that succeeded, called Wars of the Cevennes. 
It would lead to a statement of the persecution of the 
.Reformed Church in France through that memorable 
age of infidelity, that covered France as a dark cloud, 
that burst in the terrible revolution in which the blood 
of the Bourbon King was poured out on the scaftbld. 
He died in 1670. Add to this the hfe of Paul Ra- 
bout, with that of his son, and a volume of the 
deepest interest would be presented to the world. 
Such heroism, such devotion, such self-denial, such 
earnestness in the cause of the gospel, make their 
way to all hearts. 

2d. The United Provinces of Holland. Holland 
had been from the dark ages the asylum of the op- 
pressed. The fugitives found a home in her broad 
marshes, and along her bleak shores. With her 
prosperity her hospitahty increased, and the distressed 
from every climate were welcomed to her damp cli- 
mate, her freedom, and her enterprise. In the trou- 
bles which came upon other nations on account of 
religion, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 
she received crowds of exiles. More than thirty 
thousand EngUsh found in Holland a refuge from the 
bloody persecution of Mary, Queen of England. A 
host of Germans, during the thirty years war, sought, 
on the banks of the rivers in Holland, that religious 
liberty they could not enjoy in their own country. 
The Dukes of Alva, Requiescens and Parma sent many 


of the Walloons, and Flemings, and Brabanters to the 
same hiding-places. Colonies of Reformed were es- 
tablished in 1578 at Amsterdam ; in 1579 at Ilarlaem ; 
in 1584 at Leyden ; in 1586 at Delft ; in 1579 at Mid- 
dleburgh ; 1580 at Utrecht ; and in 1589 at Dort. 
The greater part of the Reformed in the cities of 
Tournay, Oudenarde, MechUn, Antwerp and Ghent, 
sold their property and retired to the provinces of 
Holland. When the Dake of Parma gave the in- 
habitants of the southern part of the Netherlands the 
choice of exile, or conformity to the Romish church, 
their religion blossomed anew. 

It was very natural for the Huguenots to look 
upon Holland as their refuge in trouble. When 
Henry HI. of France in 1585, issued an edict requir- 
inor the Huii-uenots to be converted to the national 
religion or leave the kingdom in six months, a gTeat 
number from the northern and eastern borders repaired 
to Holland and joined the colonies of the Walloons, 
whose language and forms of religion were familiar. 
After the capture of Rochelle, in 1629, many Hugue- 
nots from Rochelle and the southern provinces retired 
to Holland. When Louis XIV. commenced his 
severe edicts, the emigration to Holland was renewed. 
The Count De Estrades, on his return from the em- 
bassy to the Hague in 1688, informed Ruvigny that 
more than eight hundred families had fled to Holland 
to escape the persecution then pressing the Huguenots. 

This emigration of the Huguenots to Holland, 
assumed, towards the latter part of the seventeenth 
century, a political form. In 1681, the dragonades 

422 miJ) BVGUBNOtS, OR^ 

sent from Poictou some thousands of emigrants to 
Holland. The Sieur Amonet repaired to the Hague, 
and by his representations, awakened the public to the 
advantages to be received by that city, from the fatal 
policy of Louis, in driving manufacturers from his 
kingdom. Preparations were made for the favoura- 
ble reception of the fugitives. In the same year, the 
states of Holland freed all refugees that would settle 
in the provinces from taxes for the period of twelve 

After the edict permitting children of seven years 
of age to renounce the Reformed Church and embrace 
the Romish, the Count D'Avaux sent from Holland 
to his government, **the fury is extreme in all the 
towns, especially in Amsterdam." Lamentations 
were sung in the streets at night. A general collec- 
tion was ordered in favour of the refugees ; and the 
sufferers in France were informed that part of the 
funds would be reserved to assist those who might 
emigrate. The severity of that winter aided the ref- 
ugees to reach Amsterdam by passing over the ice. 

As the edicts of Louis became more severe, the num- 
ber of emigrants to Holland increased. About a month 
after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, the Count 
D'Avaux wrote to the King that the deputies in the 
States General of Holland were greatly moved by the 
information that, *<the Dutch domiciled in France 
could neither leave the country, nor withdraw their 
possessions, although not naturahzed Frenchmen." 
The French monarch was constrained to declare " that 
he did not pretend to detain the subjects of the States 


General contrary to their will, and that passports 
would be granted to all who desired to withdraw and 
sell their effects." This did not alljiy the indignation. 
And in [)reparation for the Edict of Revocation, the 
city of ArQsterdam added five French preachers to 
the three already supported, to be ready for the com- 
ing of refugees. 

So numerous were the refugees that sought a home 
in Holland, that on the proposition of the Synod of 
the Reformed Dutch in 1686, the authorities allotted 
sixteen French pastors for the refugees in Amsterdam; 
seven for those in Dort ; seven for Harlaem ; six for 
Delft ; eight to Leyden ; and five to Gonda ; to Schie- 
dam, Schoonhaven and Briel each two. The other 
provinces received a great number. In the United 
Provinces there were in 1688 as many as sixty-two 
churches founded or augmented by the refugees. 

The French embassador at the Hague long denied 
the existence of any necessity for the emigrations, and 
defended his King against the charge of cruelty. But 
four days before the Edict of Revocation was registered 
Louis wrote to him, October 18th, 1688 : **I am very 
happy to inform you that God having granted full suc- 
cess to the means I have long adopted for bringing back 
my subjects into the bosom of the Church ; and the 
advices which I daily receive of an infinite number of 
conversions, leaving me no room to doubt that the 
most obstinate will now follow the example of the 
rest; I have interdicted all exercise of the falsely 
termed Reformed rehgion within my kingdom, by an 
edict, of which I send you a copy, for your private 


information, which will be immediately passed in all 
my parliaments, and will meet with less difficulty in 
its execution, in that there are few persons left so ob- 
stinate as to prefer persisting in error." 

When the Edict of Eevocation was known, the 
people of the United Provinces made every manifes- 
tation of deep interest. On the 21st of the succeed- 
ing November, they held a solemn fast. All business 
was suspended on that day ; three sermons were heard 
in each church, and wherever it was convenient, a 
refugee minister was called to preach. Two hundred 
and lifty French pastors sought a refuge in Holland, 
as soon as possible after the edict. Freperations were 
made for their support. 

The French women found a protectress in the 
Princess of Orange. Other ladies imitated her exam- 
ple. Houses of refuge were prepared at Harlaem, 
Delft, Hague and Harderwick, by the rich families of 
the emigration, which these ladies of Holland took 
under their patronage. More than a hundred ladies 
of noble parentage, after losing all they possessed in 
France, their husbands and brothers imprisoned, 
found in these houses an asylum. The Princess of 
Orange continued her attention to these houses after 
she became Queen of England. 

Of the two hundred and lifty pastors that found 
refuge in Holland, may be mentioned some names 
of men of special worth, as Menard, who became 
court preacher of William HI. of England ; Claude, 
whose conference with Bossuet and numerous writings 
had made notorious ; Jurieu, whose talents were 


exercised on controversial subjects ; Basnage, the 
writer of historical works of value, one of which was 
a history of the Dutch Republic, of whom Voltaire 
said, *'he was more fit to be minister of state than of 
a parish ;" Martin, the translator of the Bible into 
French for the use of the exiles, a translation still 
widely circulated ; Snperville, whose catechism is still 
in use ; Benoit, who wrote a history of the revoca- 
tion ; Du Bosc, whose sermons and other writings 
vindicate his claim to eloquence and powers of a higher 
order ; Saurin the elder, called the patriarch of the 
refuge ; Saurin, the younger, whose sermons trans- 
lated into English, exhibit the richness and elegance 
for which he was famous ; and Polyandre, long 
esteemed the most eloquent preacher at Dort. 

To these preachers may be added a long list of 
refugees from the southern provinces of France, gen- 
tlemen of birth and standing, brave officers, who es- 
caped from apostacy pressed on them by military 
force ; rich merchants of Amiens, Rouen, Bordeaux 
and Nantes ; agriculturalists from Provence, Langue- 
doc, Roussilon and Guienne ; artisans from Brittany 
and Normandy ; mechanics from every part of France. 
Among these were Pierre Brilly, the richest manufac- 
turer of Clermont Lodeve, Pineau of Nismes, and 
Demont Laures of Nantes, both celebrated artificers ; 
and Gaulon, the rival of Vaulian in engineering and 
fortification. Some brought their fortunes with them, 
as Mariet, a wine merchant of Paris took away 600,000 
livres ; Gaylen, a bookseller of Lyons, took away 
above a million of livres ; his brother from Paris 


saved 100,000. Cossard of Eouen saved his whole 
property and settled at the Hague. More than two 
hundred and fifty merchants of the same town fol- 
lowed him to Holland, or went to England carrying 
their wealth. The Count D'Avaux informed Louis 
that more than 20,000,000 had been withdrawn from 

In 1698, the States General supplicated the king of 
Sweden to take charge of the newly arrived exiles, 
and allot them lands in his German territories, as **the 
United Provinces are so crowded with them that they 
have no longer the means of supporting the new 

The political influence on the United Provinces was 
very great ; it may he said to be revolutionizing. 
The French ambassador at the Hague liad long been 
forming a French party in Holland, in opposition to 
the Prince of Orange, against whom there was pre- 
viously a party opposed. The ambassador was suc- 
cessful in all his movements, until the dragoonings of 
Louis drove the Huguenots to commence emigrating. 
The revocation of the Edict of Nantes with its efi:ects 
entirely destroyed the prospects of the French party 
and gave the Prince of Orange the ascendancy. The 
refugees made the strength of the army by which the 
Prince of Orange put down all opposition to his claim 
to the crown of England. It was by the aid of the cir- 
cumstances connected with the llevocation that the 
alhance of Augsburg was iormed. And the exiles 
that entered the armies that fought against Louis 
aided in bringing about tlie peace of His wick, so little 


to the advantage of France. The refugees aided also 
in the battles which covered the allied arms with glory 
in the Netherlands. When the Prince of Orange be- 
came King of England, all hopes of a popish succes- 
sion to the crown was destroyed. In all human pro- 
bability, the persecutions accompanying the revoca- 
tion of the Edict of Nantes changed the afiairs of 
Holland and England from being under French in- 
fluence, and so of a Romish cast, and put them in the 
condition of being entirely Protestant. Louis proved 
himself no statesman, he could only claim to be a 
self-willed politician. 

The religious and literary influence exerted by the 
French refugees upon Holland was peculiarly marked. 
The best histories of the single })rovinces, and of 
the United Provinces, were written by the Reformed 
exiles. They also established periodicals of a high 
literary character ; and as the language of the exiles 
became more and more common in Holland, the com- 
mon people became aquaiuted with much of the lit- 
erature and the science, which had hitherto been 
confined to the Latin tongue, as the vehicle of thought 
among the learned, and thus removed from the sphere 
of the common people. The change of the language, 
which should be the vehicle of thought, was a source 
of pleasure and improvement to the Dutch. Some 
of the best preachers of the age took their abode in 
some of the cities of the United Provinces. They 
drew crowds of the natives to listen and join in the 
worship of the refugees. The life and beauty of 
their discourses won the hearts of the people. The 


general style of the Dutch pi-eachers had become 
almost exchisively didactic and monotonous. Their 
sermons abounded in argument and discussions of 
theological questions, often learned and curious, but 
not attractive. The warm addresses and appeals, and 
statements of gospel truth, from the French pulpits, 
gained the public ear. And a better order of preach- 
ing was diffused through the Dutch churches, accom- 
panied with some heart-burnings and mortifications 
at seeing the increasing influence of the new rival. 
By degrees the warmth and kindness of the exiles 
prevailed to give a decided change to the Dutch pul- 
put without a controversy. Protestant Holland re- 
ceived a blessing in her kind reception of the exiles. 
The mechanical ai*ts received a great impulse of 
improvement in the States of Holland by the coming 
of the French exiles. Marmfactories of silk, linen, 
woolen, of hats, paper and books, were set up by the 
emigrants, on a most extensive scale, in dilierent 
towns and cities. By the influence of these the 
States were greatly enriched. They had been im- 
porting all these articles from France at heavy ex- 
pense. Silks, linens, woolens and hats, had been 
imported at the rate of 600,000 pounds sterling a 
year. All this expense was stopped, and the exports 
in these things to the difterent parts of Europe were 
large. In hats, the ex|>cnse had been 217,000 pounds 
sterling ainmally. Atter the manufacture began in 
the States, the importation was stopped and expor- 
tation began. It has been computed that the yearly 
importation of the States from France had been 


1,702,000 pounds sterling. One of the efiects of the 
edict of Louis XIV. was, to assure to Holland the 
money, credit, commercial skill, and acquired know- 
ledge, of as many of the refugees as transferred their 
abode thither. The manufactories established by the 
exiles assured advantageous investments to unem- 
ployed capital to a great amount. The refugees 
increased the traffic of the country, and fully indem- 
nified their benefactors for all the expenses their 
benevolence had » incurred in the khid reception they 
had offered. 

3d. Brandenburgh and Prussia. Frederic Wil- 
liam, of Brandenburgh, educated in the court of the 
Prince of Orange, cultivated, like his ancestors, a 
strong friendship for the Reformed of France. In 
1611 the Margrave of Brandenburgh, John George^ 
went to the University of Saumur, and there con- 
tracted an intimacy with the famous Duplesis Mornay ; 
and in 1614 made prosession of the faith of the Re- 
formed French Church, preferring it to the creed of 
the Lutherans. On account of the thirty years' war, 
Frederic William was not sent to France, but made 
his acquaintance with the French at the court of 
Orange. He married Louisa Henrietta, the daughter 
of the Stadtholder, Frederic Henry, and great-grand- 
daughter of the famous WilUara of Orange, the 
taciturn, and his wife, Louisa De Chatillon, the 
daughter of the Admiral CoHgny. His education 
and marriage secured the ascendency of the French 
language at his court. When he came to the throne 
in 1640, the country was in a state of great depres- 


sion ; its commerce destroyed and its fields laid waste. 
Among other ettbrts to reinstate his dominions, he 
held out inducements to foreigners to become his sub- 
jects. His minister, Schweriu, at the court of Ver- 
sailles, took advantage of the first oppressive edict of 
the King of France, to invite the Huguenots to make 
their homes in the Electorate of Brandenburgh. As 
early as 1661, several French families emigrated to 
Berlin. Their number was increased from year to 
year ; and permission was granted them to build a 
place of worship for a congregation using the French 
language. The first pubUc service was performed 
June 10, 1672. At this time there were about one 
hundred families, the most illustrious of which was 
that of Count Louis de Beauveau D'Espenses, the 
Elector's master of horse. 

Louis XIV. issued his edict of revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes on the 22d of October, 1685. One 
week after, the Elector issued his edict at Potsdam, 
declaring in its preamble : ** Inasmuch as the perse- 
cutions and rigorous proceedings recently had in 
France against all of the Reformed religion, have 
compelled many families to leave that kingdom and 
establish themselves abroad, we have determined, as 
being touched by just compassion, which we are 
bound to feel for all who sufl[er for the Gospel's sake, 
and for the purity of that faith which we hold in com- 
mon with them, to offer to the aforesaid French, by 
this present edict, signed with our own hand, a sure 
and free asylum in all the lands and provinces of our 
dominions ; and to declare to them at once what rights, 


franchises, and privileges we intend that they should 
enjoy, and console them and repair, in some degree, 
the calamities with which Divine Providence has seen 
it good to strike so considerable a portion of the 
church." The edict proceeds to number up the priv- 
ileges the emigrants of every class and grade should 
enjoy ; agriculturalists, manufacturers, merchants, 
nobles, were invited with special promises. Orders 
were given to the representatives of the Elector, resi- 
ding in the United Provinces, to furnish provisions 
and transports to bring the refugees to Hamburg. To 
those escaping from France, invitations were sent to 
meet them on their different routes to direct their 
attention and course to tlie Electorate of Branden- 
burgh. Great facilities were granted to those who 
entered the Electorate ; and these were increased to 
those who advanced the farthest to seek their homes. 
In cities where several families of Huguenots were 
gathered, judges of their own selection were allowed 
for the arrangement of civil affairs. A pastor was to 
be attached to each colony to perform the public ser- 
vices in the French tongue, and according to the 
litnrgy of the Reformed French Church. 

This edict was speedily spread through France. 
Louis took speedy measures to prevent its circulation 
and success ; but in vain. Frankfort was speedily 
crowded with emigrants to the Electorate. The resi- 
dent minister of Frederic William provided for all 
their necessities. The Landgrave of Hesse caused 
them to be received as the adopted subjects of the 
Elector. Those who went by Amsterdam found 


agents ready to assist them to their new homes in 
Brandenburgh. The refugees thus welcomed did not 
at once muigled with the natives in the duties of citi- 
zens. They preserved their identity ; had courts of 
justice according to French forms ; had their consist- 
ories and colloquies and synods according to church 
order in France. In every thing but soil and climate 
they seemed to be at home. ISome of these were poor 
and others in good circumstances ; some succeeded in 
getting their property remitted from France. Jurieu, 
in his pastoral letter, made a computation that tlie emi- 
grants carried with them on leaving France, enough to 
average two hundred crowns apiece. And it is stated 
that for a series of years, French silver coin formed 
the greater part of the circulating medium of the 
country. The Elector received into his treasury any 
money the emigrants chose to deposit, for which he 
gave obhgations bearing interest redeemable at three 
months notice. 

A fund was raised by the exiles to assist the neces- 
sitous. The French officers appropriated the twen- 
tieth of their salaries, or as they expressed it, ** a sou 
on a franc." The Elector added all the forfeitures and 
fines his subjects might legally incur. Duke Schom- 
berg paid to this fund two thousand francs annually 
while he remained in the kingdom. Four illustrious 
refugees who had been some time in the Electorate 
were placed in charge of all that concerned the com- 
fortable settlement of the refugees. 

1st. The Count of Beauveau, who had been Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel in the service of Louis XIV., and was 


made Lieutenant-Gerieral by the Elector, and was the 
founder of the church in Berhn, had in charge the 
emigrants from the Isle of France. 

2d. Claude Du Bellay, Lord of Anch^, of an 
ancient family in Anjou, chamberlain to the Elector, 
and charged with education of the three sons of the 
Elector, had under his care the refugees from Anjou 
and Poictou. 

3d. Henry of Briquemault, of the Duchy of Rethel, 
named Lieutenant-General by the Elector, was to 
watch over the interests of the exiles from Champagne. 

4th. Walter de Saint Blancaird, pastor from Mont- 
pellier, and now chaplain to the court at Berlin, was 
charged with the aftairs of the refugees from Lan- 

David Ancillon, pastor of Metz, was a noble leader 
of the emigration. The Edict of Revocation was 
carried to Metz the same day it was enrolled at Paris. 
On the 24th, the temple was closed, and on the next 
day destroyed. The pastors Ancillon, De Combles, 
Joly and Bancelin plead their privileges under the 
treaty of Westphalia, which secured to Metz its relig- 
ious privileges. The prime minister Louvois returned 
as answer: **What! when they have but one step 
to leave the kingdom, are they not yet out of it ?" 
They immediately repaired to Brandenburgh. Ancil- 
lon was made pastor at Berlin. Some two or three 
thousand of the citizens, alarmed by the barbarous 
treatment of the body of Paul Chevenix, president of 
the councillors of the parliament of Metz, who died 
refusing the communion of the Romish church, in 


being drawn though the streets on a hurdle by order 
of the court, in opposition to the parliament ; and 
encouraged by Ancillon, took refuge in Brandenburgh. 
Among these were Lord of Bancourt, an ex-Major- 
General of Louis, and Major-General Le Bachell^, 
De Varennes, De Vernicourt, De Montigni, Le 
Chenevix, Le Goulon and Ferri, who enriched the 
country of their refuge by a sum of not less than 
2,000,000 of crowns. Ancillon was appointed to 
watch over the cmisrrants from Metz as the 5th of the 
committee of superintendence. 

6th. The pastor Abaddie received the charge of 
those who came from Bearne. 

The number of refugees that made the Electorate 
their home was estimated at twenty-five thousand, 
and were of six difl:erent classes of Frenchmen : sol- 
diers, gentlemen, men of letters, artists, merchants, 
manufacturers and agriculturists. 

Ist. Soldiers. The greater part of the Protestant 
nobility of France, in the latter part of the seven- 
teenth century, served in some position in the army 
under Schomberg, and in the navy under Du Quesne. 
Some of these came to the Electorate before the 
Edict of Revocation. After the revocation about 
six hundred emigrated to that country. The Elector 
at once incorporated them into the army ; new regi- 
ments were raised for the younger officers, and the 
older ones were appointed to posts. These oflicers 
brought with them all the military science of France. 
The science of engineering and fortification, in its 
infancy in the Electorate, soon assumed the perfec- 


tion it had obtained in France under Vauban. A 
navy was soon formed, which for years was of great 
service to the Elector. At the death of the Elector, 
in 1688, it amounted to thirty-eight thousand men. 
The Prussian army became notorious in the history 
of Europe. 

2d. Gentlemen. By the act of Louis, in retain- 
ing all the registers of the consistories, in which were 
kept the baptisms, marriages and sepultures, and by 
the acts of the soldiers, in destroying the private 
papers of families, and by the destruction of the 
toombs, whose decorations were the heraldic emblems 
of the families, the exiles could not give the Elector 
proofs of their position in France. The learned 
Spanheim was referred to for his knowledge of 
French heraldry; and the six commissioners ap- 
pointed to watch the interests of the emigrants — 
these, with the French Ambassador at Berlin, who 
cheerfully gave his aid, were enabled to establish the 
claim to nobility made by the refugees. These gen- 
tlemen, thus established, obtained posts of honour 
and emolument under the Elector ; and contributed 
greatly to the dignity and honour of the Electorate. 

3d. Men of letters. Many of these left France 
under the severities which preceded the revocation. 
Berlin received her share ; and the court, of which 
these men made part, reflected the briUiancy of Ver- 
sailles. Of the pastors, men of letters, Blancaird, 
Fornerod, and Abaddie, had retired to Brandenburgh 
before the revocation. They were followed by Dartis, 
Ancillon of Metz, and Eepey of Montauban, who all 


were allotted to the French Church at Berlin. The 
most numerous congregation, after Berlin, was that 
of Magdeburg. Large congregations, with numer- 
ous pastors, were formed in other places. Of all the 
pastors, Abaddie exercised the greatest influence. 
Ilis panegyric on the Elector was circulated through 
Europe, and added greatly to his patron's popularity. 
Of his ** Treatise on the Truths of the Christian 
Religion," written the same year with the panegyric, 
Bayle said : * ' It is long since a book has been written 
with greater force, or breadth of genius." Rabutin, 
not a believer, wrote to Madame Sevigne : ** We read 
it now-a-days, and consider it the only book worthy to 
be read in the world." She replied : **It is the most 
charming of all books. This is the general opinion ; 
I thmk that no man ever treated as he does of reli- 
gion." Other men of letters of eminence were, 
Eocoules, historiographer of the house of Branden- 
burgh, whose successor was Puffendorf ; Tessier, who 
translated into French Ilocoules' life of Frederic 
William; Larrey, author of the "Annals of Great 
Britian." Eminent lawyers, also, fled to Branden- 
burgh, and found honourable positions. 

4th. Traders and manufacturers. These the Elec- 
tor made special efforts to attract to Magdeburg. He 
obtained from Languedoc and Sedan manufacturers 
of wool, that contributed greatly to the prosperity of 
his Electorate. The art of stocking weaving, carried 
to high excellence in France, was also introduced. 
But few manufactories were formed in Berlin. Sin- 
gle workmen, in different branches of trade, found 


fiill employ, and made fortunes ; and the production 
of woolen cloths of different kinds increased, and the 
article became abundant for exportation. The Elec- 
tor supplied his army with woolen cloths before en- 
couraging the exportation. Next came the manufac- 
ture of hats on an extensive scale. Previously the 
importation from France had been at great expense. 
All other manufactories, thought advantageous to the 
Electorate, were introduced. The foundation was 
laid for the great wealth and strength of the kingdom 
of Prussia. 

5th. Agriculturists. To these, lands were distrib- 
uted freely. And in a short time, the barren fields 
of the Electorate, laid waste by war, smiled with the 
productions of their labour. Agriculture, in its vari- 
ous forms, agreeing with the climate, obtained a per- 
manent foothold' in the Electorate. 

The Elector, Frederic WilUam, having laid the 
foundation of his country's prosperity, died in 1688^ 
and was succeeded by his son, Frederic, the first 
King of Prussia. This Elector and King pursued 
the policy of his father towards the Huguenots ; and 
by encouraging emigration to his territory, increased 
the power and prosperity of Prussia. The army of 
thirty-nine thousand men, left him by his father, was 
carefully trained and enlarged by the refugees ; and 
became a powerful force, whose importance was felt 
in the wars that ensued, to prevent the encroachment 
of the King of France. 

This Elector and first King of Prusssia encouraged 
the French College, and the Academy of Nobles at 


Berlin, and the French Institute or Academy of 
Chevaliers at Ilalle. The Academy at Berlin char- 
tered, in 1700, was the most famous. In connexion 
with this Academy were professors and men of emi- 
nence, who elevated the literature of Prussia. Mr. 
Weiss tells us: **The Queen, Sophia Charlotte, had 
a decided fondness for French literature ;" and the 
castle of Charlottenberg. became the assylum for all 
refugees of distinction. In her castle she loved to 
converse with Abaddie, Ancillon, Chauvin, Jacque- 
lot, Lenfant, and more often with the great Beausobre, 
her chaplain. **It was there that she disputed, with 
the smile of Verms on her lips, with the Irishman, 
Toland, who hoped to attach her to the party of 

The difference between the Elector and first King 
and the Elector, his father, was that the Elector, in 
inviting refugees, paid most attention to the physical 
improvement of Prussia, and the first King turned 
his attention most to the mental and Uterary improve- 
ment of his people. 

The first King of Prussia died 1713. His son, 
Frederic William, the second King of Prussia, suc- 
ceeded. He turned his attention most to the refu- 
gees that could assist him in military matters. 
Carefully instructed in his youth, he imbibed strong 
prejudices against literature, from the example of 
some learned men at court, whose seditious notions 
he attributed to their education. His attention was 
turned wholly to increasing his army and replenishing 
his treasury. 


Frederic the Great, the third King of Prussia, came 
to the crown in 1740, with a treasury free from debt, 
and with a fund of 8,700,000 crowns, and a disci- 
plined army of fifty-five battalions and one hundred 
and eleven squadrons. He encouraged every thing 
that seemed to advance Prussia. Agriculture, arts, 
science, literature, and military discipline. By his 
influence the French language became the language 
of science. ** French has been substituted," says 
Formay, ** for Latin in order to give its records of 
transactions a more extensive circulation; for the 
limits of Latin country are becoming visibly con- 
tracted, whilst the French language is to-day in 
almost the same position in which the Greek lan- 
guage was in the time of Cicero. It is learned every 
where. Books written in French are sought with 
avidity. All the best works that Germany or Eng- 
land produce are translated into this language." Mr. 
Weiss adds, concerning the use of the French lan- 
guage: *' Since the reign of the grand Elector, it 
had been spoken at Berlin, Magdeburg, Halle, and 
more generally still in the little towns, where the 
refugees lived in a more isolated manner than in the 
great centres of population. We know the singular 
impression which was made upon the French officers, 
taken prisoners at the battle of Rosbach, not only by 
the multitude of their former fellow-citizens, origin- 
ally from every part of the kingdom, but also by the 
almost universal use of their language, in all the 
provinces of the Prussian monarchy, even in those 
inhabited by the natives themselves. They encoun- 


tered every where tlie numerous descendents of the 
refugees, devoted to the culture of literature and the 
arts, giving an example of the gravest morals, and 
preserving, in the midst of a society which was 
already beginning to give itself over to the incredu- 
lous spirit of the age, an unalterable attachment to 
the religious convictions of their ancestors." 

In the seven years war, at the call of the King, 
the descendents of the emigrants took a glorious part 
in the struggle of Prussia against Austria, France, 
and Russia. No less than nine generals of French 
extraction led the armies to defend the country of 
their birth, and of their fathers' assylum. Prussia, 
from that desperate war, has been ranked among the 
ifjreat powers of Europe. 



The relation of England to the Huguenots ; and the Effects of the 
Revocation on tlie interests of the Kingdom. 

THE Huguenots, or Reformed French, in their ear- 
nest troubles received the sympathy of the Pro- 
testants of England. The errors of the Eomish 
church were a common evil*; and the success of the 
Reformers in France promoted the honorable designs 
of the English nation for her own welfare and the 
well being of the Protestant nations of Europe. 
Whenever the Huguenots were oppressed in a form 
that admitted intervention, the English spoke and 
acted in their favour. In 1550, King Edward VI. by 
patent royal entrusted John A. Lasro with the super- 
intendence of all the refugees from France, Holland, 
Germany and Switzerland, that had retired to Eng- 
land ; assigning for their use in celebrating religious 
worship after the manner of their country, the Church 
of the Benedictines. *' Grace and lofty considera- 
tions have convinced us that it is part of the duty of 
Christian princes to be prompt and well affectioned 
toward the Holy Gospel and the Apostolic Religion, 
instituted and given by Christ Himself, without which 
no government can prosper ; considering, moreover, 


that it is the oflice of a Christian prince, in well ad- 
ministering his kingdom, to provide for rehgion and 
for unhappy persons who are afflicted and hanished 
for religion's sake, we would have you to know, that 
pitying the condition of those who have been for 
sometime past sojourners in our kingdom, and are 
arriving therein daily, we will and order of our own 
special grace, of our own certain knowledge, and of 
our full movement, as likewise with the advice of our 
council, that henceforth there shall be in oijr city of 
London a temple, entitled the Temple of our Lord 
Jesus, in which the assembly of the Germans and 
other foreigners may meet and perform their services, 
to the end that by the ministers of their church the 
Holy Gospel may be purely interpreted, and the sac- 
raments administered according to the word of God 
and tlie Apostolic ordinances." 

To the superintendent Alasis, he added four minis- 
ters, two of French origin, and two of German or 
Dutch descent. 

The King, by his patent, made these five persons a 
body politic, under the safeguard of all the ecclesias- 
tical and civil authorities of the land. Li a few 
months after this patent, the French obtained the 
chapel in Threadneedle street for their worship in the 
French tongue, and had a distinct existence without 
separating from their brethren from Holland and Ger- 
many. The King had a predilection for the French 
language, and wrote two books in that language, and 
encouraged Alasis to establish a printing press for the 
pubUcation of religious works. His sister, Mary 


Tudor, on coining to the crown, pursued a course of 
persecution and broke up the church formed under 
the supervision of Alasis. The members fled, some 
to Germany, some to Denmark, and some to Switzer- 
land, accompanied by many of the English. 

On the accession of Elizabeth to the crown, the 
French reentered their church under the supervision 
of Grindall, bishop of London, and were in favour 
with the Queen her whole life. When the Queen 
made reprisals on Charles IX. of France, for seizing 
the property of some English merchants accused of 
favouring the Huguenots, and seized the property of 
French merchants, she exempted the property of those 
who had become refugees for their religion. In 1568, 
the French pastor, John Cousin, obtained the libera- 
tion of all the French refugees who were confined for 
debt. At this time the French church had four hun- 
dred and fifty communicants. 

In consequence of the Massacre of St. Bartholo- 
mew, the number of refugees became too large to be 
supplied by the congregation, either in their temporal 
or spiritual wants, and the Queen recommended them 
to the Archbishop of Canterljury. And when some 
years after the merchants and artisans of the city, 
with their apprentices, jealous of the competition which 
these refugees maintained by their skill and industry, 
clamoured with threats that they should be driven 
from the kingdom, Elizabeth protected them in their 
privileges, and by so doing promoted the advancement 
of the mechanic arts in England. 

Ehzabeth did not hesitate to let her voice be hear^ 


in France. After the massacre at Vassey, in 1562, 
she engaged to send succours to a large amount to the 
Huguenots ; and her designs were frustrated only by 
the fickleness of some of the leaders of the Hugue- 
nots, and disagreement of others about the course to 
be pursued in that conjuncture of their affairs. After 
the Massacre ot St. Bartholomew, the French ambas- 
sador, not able for many days to obtain an audience 
with the Queen, was at last admitted to her presence 
in the private council-room, Elizabeth and the lords 
of her cabinet with the court-ladies all clad in deep 
mourning, and turning their heads away, as he ad- 
vanced towards her majesty, and endeavoured to exon- 
erate the French King from that enormous crime. 
An expedition was fitted out in England for the 
relief of Kochelle, which was threatened by the 
French King. 

When Henry IV. came to the crown, Elizabeth 
sent him congratulations as a Huguenot king, and 
aided him with men and money in his wars with the 
League and Spain. When the Edict of Nantes was 
promulgated, she sent to her ambassador, Walshing- 
ham : ** We doubt not that you fully apprehend how 
necessary it is for our own tranquility and that of our 
kingdom that the Protestant faith shall be maintained. 
It is to this end we command you that whenever you 
may perceive an opportunity for contributing to the 
observation of the edict, you will not fail to do it." 

Besides the church of the refugees in London, 
Queen Ehzabeth encouraged the founding of nume- 
rous others in her kingdom. One was founded at 


Canterbury in 1561, in favour of the Walloons, to 
whom were added a great colony of Huguenots. By 
1G34 the number of communicants amounted to 900. 
One was founded at Norwich in 1554, on the petition 
of the Duke of Norfolk, consisting of Walloons and 
Huguenots. One was founded in Sandwich, by French 
refugees, who had first been located at London and 
Norwich. That at Southampton was composed of 
fugitives from the north of France, and the Walloons. 
That at Rye for the refugees after the massacre of St. 
Bartholomew. A number of others were formed 
between the years of 1572 and the revocation of the 
edict in 1685. In London, the Huguenots had per- 
mission to found, previously to the revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes, that of Savoy in 1641, by Rohan, 
Lord of Saubize ; that of Marylebone in 1650 by 
Cromwell ; and that of Castle street by Charles H. 
To these were added by James H., the church in 
Spitalfields in 1688 ; and by his successors, William 
in. , Anne, and George I. , in different parts of Lon- 
don, twenty-six new foundations were added to accom- 
modate the numerous worshippers. 

The Kings, James I., Charles I. and Charles II., 
and James H. , temporized with the French Reformed. 
To please the mass of their subjects, they openly de- 
clared in favour of the Huguenots ; and passed acts 
and sent out letters as decided as those of Edward 
VI. and Elizabeth ; but in their private negotiations 
with the Kings of France, they declared for the pol- 
icy of the French King, and did what was in their 
power to advance the cause of the Romish church, 



even when they seemed to act for the Huguenots. 
The nation asked for favour to the French Reformed. 
The Kings showed it in some measure, and with it 
an equal or greater measure of favour to the Roman- 
ists, from whatever quarter they came. The arma- 
ment, fitted out and sent from England, to assist the 
Huguenots in their last political struggles, were ren- 
dered singularly inefficient by the will of the con- 
ductors of the expeditions, or by the secret orders 
under which they sailed. Bucldngham was evidently 
in favour of the policy of the French Kings, by the 
part he took in breaking off the Spanish match for 
Charles I. , and promoting his marriage with the sister 
of the French King ; and by the treachery towards 
the Huguenots, in sending to the French King their 
confidential letters to England, particularly the letter 
of pastor Du Maulin, in which he styles, ** England, 
the bulwark of the Reformation. " For that sentence, 
as the spirit of the letter and of the man, Louis or- 
dered him to leave France, and though mollified 
towards him, never fully forgave him. The Protes- 
tant world adopted it as a synonjan of England's 
glory. It was in acting this double part, towards the 
Protestants, at home and abroad, and in attempting 
to govern, without the parliament, or with it, as 
despotically as Louis XHI. and XIV., of France, 
that Charles I. was brought to the scaffold, and 
James H. was compelled to flee the kingdom, and 
see the crown transferred to William and Mary. 

In the space of ten years, commencing some four 
or five years before that of 1685, it is computed that 


about eighty thousand refugees had reached England. 
From the registers of the churches in London, to 
which the greater part appHed, on reaching England, 
it appears that during the years 1686, '87, '88, the 
Consistory, which met at least once a week, was oc- 
cupied almost entirely in receiving confessions of 
repentance of those who had been induced to abjure 
their religion to escape loss and suflering, and had 
afterwards escaped from France. The ministers 
heard the relations of suffering, and sin, and repent- 
tance, and readmitted them to the faith of their 
fathers and brethren. On the 5th of March, 1686, 
fifty refugees from Bordeaux, Saintes, Bolbec, Havre, 
Fecamp, MontviUiers, and Tonneins, abjured the 
Romish religion, to which they had been by force 
reconciled. In April of the next year, the 30th day, 
sixty were readmitted. In the month of May, 1687, 
four hundred and ninety-seven were readmitted to the 
faith they had seemed to abandon. About a third 
part of these refugees estal)lished themselves in Lon- 
don, the other two-thirds were scattered throughout 
the kingdom. A colony from Amiens, Tournay and 
Cambray went to Scotland, and established them- 
selves in Edinborough ; their part of the city bears 
to this day the name Picardy. 

Ireland also received colonies. In the fourteenth 
year of Charles TI., in 1674, an act of parliament 
was passed in Dublin for the naturalization of the 
refugees. The Duke of Ormand, Viceroy under 
Charles 11. , favoured with all his abilities the colon- 
izing the Reforraed French in Ireland. Ilig favour 


was, in part, tlie origin of the first colony. His 
agents, scattered over France, promised to all Pro- 
testants an asylum in Ireland, and great facilities for 
their manufacture of woolens and linens ; and also 
facilities for agriculture. He promised to take charge 
of their money, and pay 10 per cent, interest, and 
permit depositors to draw for it when they pleased, 
the amount deposited not to exceed 50,000 crowns. 
lie guaranteed the free exercise of religion to all that 
chose to continue in their religion, on the condition 
that the congregations supported their own pastors. 
He also offered, as inducement to unite themselves 
with the Church of England, that he would take on 
himself the charge of the ministry, for all those who 
should choose such union. 

Those refugees who passed over to England were, 
from peculiar circumstances, generally poor. A few 
wealthy families went over ; as Count Avaux wrote 
to the French King, in 1687, that nine hundred and 
sixty thousand French guineas had been melted 
down at the London mint, fifty thousand pistoles hav- 
ing been mekod in a few months after the revocation. 
Generally the poor, of necessity, fied to England, as 
the nearest refuge from the court of France. Col- 
lections were taken up for them throughout the 
kingdom of Great Britian, amounting to about 
200,000 pounds; and a ** French committee, com- 
posed of the Chiefs of the Emigration, was chosen to 
distribute annually 16,000 pounds sterling among the 
poor refugees. Another committee of ecclesiastics, 
lander the direction of the Archbishop of Canterbury, 



the Bishop of London, and the Lord Chancellor, was 
charged with the distribution of 1718 pounds ster- 
ling, from the treasury, among the poor clergy and 
their churches. The first report of the French com- 
mittee, in December, 1687, shows that fifteen thou- 
sand five hundred persons were succored the first 
year, of whom thirteen thousand were in London; 
the others were in difterent seaports, where they had 
disembarked. They were classed as follows: One 
hundred and forty persons of quality, with their fam- 
ilies ; one hundred and forty-three ministers ; one 
hundred and forty-four lawyers, physicians, mer- 
chants, and burghers ; the rest were artizans and 
mechanics. The amount given to each person was, 
at the discretion of the committee, according to their 
necessity. The committee furnished the artizans 
with the tools for their trades, and with means for 
support for a time. Six hundred, for whom no place 
was found convenient in England, were sent to the 
colonies in America, at the expense of the committee. 
In 1688, the whole number that applied for aid 
amounted to twenty-seven thousand ; of these divided 
into seven hundred and fifty families, one hundred 
and seventy were families of quality, one hundred 
and seventeen ministers, eighty-seven of professional 

Tlie benefits received by the English nation from 
the Huguenot refugees came from three sources, or 
rather three classes of men — ^the soldiery, the arti- 
zans, and the educated men. 

1st. The soldiery. When the Prince of Orange, 


in the year 1G88, made- his entrance into England to 
receive the crown, in right of his wife, and revolu- 
tionize the court from the Komish religion to the 
Protestant, the army of about fifteen thousand men, 
that accompanied him was fitted out by loans on 
Huguenot money ; and about one-quarter of the nu- 
merical force, and more than one-half of the efii- 
ciency was made of refugee Huguenots. Three 
regiments of infantry, and one squadron of horse, 
and a large corps of bombardiers and miners, were 
entirely composed of Frenchmen. Some seven or eight 
hundred experienced officers were scattered through 
the other regiments ; and some ninety men were in the 
Prince's guards. Tliough himself trained to war, 
the Prince wisely committed the management of his 
forces to Count Schomberg, who had learned the art 
of war under Frederic Henry, Prince of Orange, in 
the same school with Turrene and Frederic William, 
had served under Louis XIV. and received from 
Mazarine the brevet of Lieutenant-General of the 
army of Flanders, being esteemed of equal merit 
with Turenne ; had served in Spain tor Louis XIV. , 
with that success that on the death of Turenne he 
became marshal of the empire ; had received permis- 
sion to retire from France on the revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes ; going first to Portugal and then to 
Holland, and was present at the interview 1080 be- 
tween the Elector of I3randenl)urgh and "William of 
Orange, then meditating the enterprise which was 
accomplished in 1088 l)y aid of the refugee Hugue- 
nots ; he had on his way to Holland visited England 


and reconnoitered her shores and posts, having an 
understanding with the leaders of the English aris- 
tocracy that were weary of their King, James 11. , and 
were seeking a revolution. With bim were associated 
many officers of rank and fame in the French armies. 
Such was the confidence of the Princess Mary in his 
integrity, that before emljarking she appointed him 
her special protectress should any misfortune befall 
the Prince. By his council the forces were landed at 
Torbay ; and his skill in managing armies and his 
acquaintance with political life, contributed not a little 
to the success of the Prince, who in a short time be- 
came William III. of En dan d. 

One of the Huguenots, Sieur D'Estang, a lieu- 
tenant in the lifeguards of William, was chosen by 
the victor to bear to the ambassador of Louis XIV. 
t?ie order to leave London in twenty-four hours, and 
repair to Dover. Another refugee had the charge to 
conduct him in safety. The ambassador Barillon in 
his last dispatch says : ** The Prince of Orange caused 
an officer of his guards to attend me. I was by no 
means ill pleased at this. He had it 'in his power to 
extricate himself from some slight difficulties, such as 
one is likely to encounter on similar occasions. He 
is a gentleman of Poictou, Saint Leger by name, who 
is settled in Holland with his wife and children. I 
have received every sort of civility and good treat- 
ment wherever I have passed." The minister Hu 
Bordieu solemnly harangued William on his accession 
to the crown of England ; and Jurieu wrote to him 
from Rotterdam, recommending the French refugees 


and churclies to his care ; to liim William replied : 
**Rest assured that I will neglect nothing within my 
power to protect and further the Protestant rehgion." 

Schomberg was sent to Ireland, and there showed 
that sagacity in delay, and vigour in action, which 
ultimately won the whole country for WiUiam III. 
While commending some officers for their good con- 
duct, he writes : ' ' Your Majesty may have heard from 
others that the three French regiments of infantry and 
one of horse do better service than any other." At the 
battle of Boyne, fought under the eye of William, 
Schomberg the younger crossed the river with the 
French regiments and drove back the eight French and 
Irish, that defended the passage, and entirely routed 
them. The King crossed the river, and the action be- 
came general. Schomberg the elder led on, shoutmg, 
"Come, friends! remember your courage and your 
griefs! your persecutors are before you!" The old 
man fell mortally wounded by Tyrconnel's life-guard ; 
but as his life was ebbing away, he saw the army of 
James flying before the victorious William. Schom- 
berg was eighty-two years old, and died in the arms 
of victory, like young Wolfe at Quebec, in 1759. 
The victory in each case secured the Protestant as- 
cendency over the Romish, one in the old world, and 
one in the new. 

The battle of the Boyne, following the very re- 
markable siege of Derry, discouraged King James 
II., and he returned to France. The loss of Schom- 
berg, who to his other titles had added that of Peer 
of England, caused great sorrow throughout the 


army. His courage, and probity, and coolness, and 
sagacity, and quick sense of honour, added to his 
generosity and self-sacrificing principle, and his rea- 
diness to do justice to all, and yield honour to whom 
honour was due, had made him the most popular 
man in the army. He had assisted in changing the 
succession of the crown in Portugal and in England, 
and bore the title of, the disposer of Kings. An- 
other person of eminence fell in the battle, La Caille- 
motte Ruvigny, brother of the Marquis De Ruvigny. 
Having received a mortal wound in the general battle, 
as he was borne across the river in a dying condition, 
he cried out to some Huguenot regiments, he met 
advancing, *' Onward, my lads, to glory! onward to 
glory!" and soon after expired. Walker, the Epis- 
copal clergyman, who had conducted himself so gal- 
lantly in the siege of Derry, a siege unsurpassed for 
the courage, sufferings and endurance of the besieged, 
being in attendance on King William in this battle, 
received a shot from which he died in a few moments. 
The contest in Ireland, although the cause of James 
was hopeless, was continued for some time. In the 
battles on a small scale, but fierce and bloody, the 
two sons of Count Schomberg, John De Bodt, the 
Marquis Ruvigny and Rossin Thoyras signalized 
themselves. Their reputation was not ephemeral. 
Rossin, of honourable descent, and irreproachable 
honour, was appointed tutor to the children of the 
Duke of Portland. Going to reside for a time at the 
Hague, he resumed his studies of jurisprudence and 
history. Making his abode at Wesel, he, amon^ 
39 ■ 


other productions, wrote the History of England, to 
which he gave the labours of seventeen years. 

After the contest for King James was ended in 
Ireland, thousands of Huguenots colonized in Ireland 
in the towns of Dublui, Cork, Kilkenny, Waterford, 
Lisburn, and Portarlington. In 1692 the parliament 
at Dublin renewed the act of 1674. The oath of 
supremacy was no longer exacted from the Hugue- 
nots ; and the free exercise of their religion was 
guaranteed throughout the Island. The Huguenots 
in King William's army profited by the bill. The 
Dublin colony became the bulwark of the Protestant 
party. The Marquis Ruvigny, who had secured a 
large tract of land in the neighbourhood of Portarl- 
ington, settled a colony of about four hundred Hu- 
guenots, and built for them a church and school-house 
at his own expense. A colony of merchants settled 
at Cork, and was very prosperous ; and for a long 
time kept seperate from the native population. Their 
part of the city is called, French church street. 

The eflbrts of the Idng of France to win back the 
Huguenots, by promotions, and promises, and bribes, 
ceased, and with it also ceased his efforts to bribe the 
Lords and Commons of England. Burnet says, that 
for twenty years scarce a packet crossed the channel 
from Calais to Dover, without carrying at least 
10,000 louis d'or, to be given in some form to 
the influential members of parliament. 

2nd. The benefits from the artisans. From the 
time the Low countries, or Netherlands, began to be 
troubled on account of reUgion, the English court 


had ofiered inducements to manufacturers to emigrate 
to some part of the realm. In the time of Elizabeth, 
Protestant workmen from Flanders, Brabant and 
France, had been established in Sandwich and Lon- 
don for the production of coarse goods, serges, flan- 
nels and woolen cloths; these were continually increased, 
and spread, through all the seaboard towns in Eng- 
land. All fine goods were imported. The revoca- 
tion of the Edict of Fantes sent about 70,000 manu- 
facturers and their workmen to Great Britian. These 
were mostly from Picardy and Normandy, on the 
British channel, from the seaports on the west, and 
from Lyons. These hitroduced many new branches 
of manufacture ; of these, that of silk was the most 
extensive and profitable. The workmen introduced 
the looms used at Lyons and Tours, and manufactured 
brocades, Padua silks, watered silks, black velvet, 
fancy velvet, and stuffs mixed of silk and cotton. A 
workman by name Mongeorge, brought them the secret 
lately discovered at Lyons, of glazing taftety. Until 
this time the English had imported annually about 
200,000 livres worth of this kind of goods. The silk 
manafactories continued to grow till the course of 
trade was turned from England to the continent, and 
even France itself. 

Great efibrts were made by the agents of Louis 
XIV. to cause the manufacturers of silk to return to 
France. By large bribes some were taken back ; 
the majority remained in England and gave the silk 
trade a permanent basis. It has gone on increasing 
till the pounds of raw silk consumed are counted by 


the millions. In ten years the looms of Lyons were 
decreased from 13,000 to 4,000. 

The manufacture of sail cloth was introduced from 
Normandy and Brittany. In 1669 the value of that 
article imported was 171,000 pounds sterling. From 
the same provinces came the manufacture of white 
linens; previously the annual value of imports from one 
French port alone were 4,500,000 livres. Peculiar 
efforts had been made to induce these manufacturers to 
return to France ; the success was of short duration, 
and these articles became a part of English exports. 

Painted linens were first manufactured in England 
in 1690, and in due time became a source of wealth 
to the country. 

The manufacture of fine hats was introduced from 
Caudebec, the place most noted for the preparation 
of furs and fine hats. This manufacture in France 
was mostly in the hands of the Huguenots, who took 
the secret of their art to England, where it remained 
till about the middle of the eighteenth century, when 
a French hatter worked in England till he had an 
opportunity of discovering the art, which he took 
back to France. Until that event, the French nobil- 
ity, the Italian nobility, and even the Cardinals and 
the Pope, got their fine hats from England. 

Until 1686 the English manufactured only a coarse, 
dark coloured paper ; at that time the production of 
fine white paper was introduced. The efibrts by 
French agents to destroy this, for a time, were suc- 
cessful. The agent Barillon distributed to the work- 
men of a single factory 2,800 livres to make them 


return to France. Six months afterwards he in- 
formed Louis XIV. that he had just expended 1,150 
livres to induce the last five Frencli paper makers to 
leave England. But in a few years the manufactory 
was restored, and became a source of wealth to 

According to McPherson, the importation to Eng- 
land from France was diminished in the forty years, 
between 1683 and 1723, m silks of all kinds, at the 
annual rate of 600,000 pounds sterling; in all kinds 
of flax, 500,000; in hats, watches, cloths and glass- 
ware, 220,000; paper, 90,000; plain fabrics, 150,000; 
French wines, 200,000; French candies, 80,000— in 
all, 1,880,000 pounds sterling. 

In the process of improving the manufactures of 
England permanently, there was some suffering 
among the old established trades in England. The 
artisans w^ere compelled to give place to the Hugue- 
nots, or to excel, or at least equal them in their pro- 
ductions. Many complaints were loudly uttered 
against the refugees ; and in some cases there were 
outbursts of violence. In one particular there was a 
hardship. Some English artisans improved their 
productions till they equalled those of the Huguenots; 
and were discouraged in the market to find that the 
French goods outsold them, though of no better 
quality. They were compelled to associate some 
refugees with them to make their productions com- 
pete in the markets. The advantage of the Hugue- 
not refugees to England, on the score of manufac- 
tories, cannot be reckoned up. Louis XIV. made 


England a confirmed Protestant kingdom ; and then 
made her rich at the loss of his own kingdom, and 
the ruin of his descendants. 

3d. Benefits for educated men. Science and ht- 
erature received an impulse from the Huguenots. 
Savary, an old captain in the service of Louis, but 
a resident in England after the Revocation, obtained 
a patent in 1698 for a machine, of his invention, for 
draining marshes, thus contributing to the welfare of 
the agriculturists. Denis Papin, a celebrated physi- 
cian and philosopher, was born at Blois, 1647. lie 
studied at Paris, and was a pupil of lluggins. The 
difiiculties thrown in his way in France, as a Hugue- 
not, induced him to listen to an invitation sent him 
from England, 1681, by means of Boyle, and was 
nominated member of the Royal Society. After the 
revocation of the Edict, he emigrated finally. In 
his experiments on the nature of air, he was joined 
by Boyle. He published the philosophical transac- 
tions. The Academy of Paris, in 1699, named him 
its correspondent ; and the city of Marburg offered 
bim the ^Mathematical chair, which he accepted and 
lillcd till his death, in 1710. His researches on the 
production and use of steam, begun in the first years 
of his exile, led to a treatise — The art of rendering 
water very useful by the aid (f fire. He proposed to 
navigate a vessel without either sails or oars. The 
project conceived in England, he attempted to carry 
into efiect on the river Fulda. His machine was 
clumsy, and wanted improvements, which experiment 
alone could determine. But he gave an impulse to 


science in this direction. He was tlie first who used 
a piston in the chamber of a pump. He demon- 
strated the possibiUty of applying steam to navigation. 
lie also invented the safety-valve, to prevent explo- 
sion, which is in use at the present day. His death 
prevented his perfecting his machine ; and a century 
rolled away before the experiments were renewed and 
carried on to success by others. 

A considerable number of physicians and surgeons 
emigrated to England, and found employment in the 
army and navy ; and to them England owes princi- 
pally her remarkable success in surgical instruments. 

Many men of letters took refuge in England. Jus- 
tel, for a time private secretary of Louis XIV., pene- 
trating the designs of the King, sold his library and 
passed over to England before the Revocation. Boyle, 
in his journal, said *'that M. Justel, who now lives 
in London, and who is so curious, so learned, so w^ell 
instructed in everything w^ith regard to the republic of 
letters, and so w^ell inclined to contribute to the sat- 
isfaction of the public, will teach us many things 
which will do great honour to our enterprize." He 
was soon made librarian of the King of England. 
For his rich and abundant conversation, St. Evre- 
mond called him a " speaking library." Graverol, 
of Nismes, a celebrated lawyer and learned man and 
poet, closes a history of his native town with a sketch of 
the sulferings of the Protestants of Languedoc, and says 
to the refugees of Nismes in London, ** Let us wlio are 
in a country so distant from our own, only for the sake 
of the word of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ, 


let us study to render our confession and our faith 
glorious, by a wise and modest conduct, an exemplary 
life, and an entire devotion to the service of the Lord. 
Let us remember that v^e are both the children and 
fathers of martyrs." Pierre Antoine Motteux, of 
Kouen, became so familiar with the English language 
that his translation of Don Quixotte caused that work 
to be popular in England. Du Maulin, an earnest 
preacher, went to England before the Kevocation, and 
was the author of a number of religious works of 
great popularity. Ezekiel Marmot, a noted preacher, 
published meditations upon the words of Job, •' I 
know that my Iledeemer liveth." Delangle, who 
had been pastor at Charenton, and took refuge in 
England at the Revocation, was a famous preacher 
after the French style. Pierre Allix, also a pastor at 
Charenton, distinguished himself by his simplicity 
and good taste and appropriate doctrine, in his pulpit 
addresses. Louis made great efibrts to get Allix to 
return to France. Seignalay wrote to the ambassador 
at London: **The family of the minister Allix, who 
is at London, has become converted in good faith at 
Paris. If you can approach that minister and can per- 
suade him to return to France, with the intention of 
being converted, you may offer him without hesitation a 
pension of from 3000 to 4000 livres. And if it should 
be necessary to go farther, I have no doubt that upon 
the notice you will give me of it, the King will consent 
to grant him ftivours still more considerable. In either 
case be assured that you will have done a thing most 
pleasing to his majesty. " Allix remained in England. 


The two universities, Oxford and Cambridge, each 
conferred on him the degree of Doctor of Divinity. 

Jacques Saurin preached five years in the church of 
Threadneedle street. In 1705 he was called to the 
Hague, and there developed his remarkable talents 
for preaching. He stands among the first of pulpit 
orators. Abaddie went first to Berlin ; afterwards he 
went to England, and accompanied the Duke Schom- 
berg to Ireland, where he saw that old man fall mor- 
tally wounded. Returning to England, he was 
attached to the church of the Savoy. The refugees 
flocked to hear him, and the English preachers were 
not unwilling to consider him a model of a preacher. 
His treatise on the truth of the Christian Religion was 
held in high repute by the clergy of England. He 
employed his pen to justify the revolution of 1688, 
and the conduct of William in taking the crown of 
his father-in-law. His apology lor the new King was 
considered as entirely satisfactory. In 1694, by choice 
of "the King, he pronounced the eulogy of the Queen. 
** In vain," says he, ** would church and state have 
interfered in that strife between religion and supersti- 
tion. In vain would magnanimous prelates have 
devoted their attention thereto, with earnestness and 
firmness. In vain would the parliament, that council 
authorized by the nation and the monarchy, that 
assembly of sages, assembly of legislators, under the 
authority of the sceptre, that sacred depository of the 
rights and privileges of the country, the respected 
mouth of the people, and the interpreter of its exi- 
gencies and will, have laboured to determine those 


differences, brought before its august tribunal, if 
divine grace had not first decreed it in the heart of 
that Princess. Slie believed she belonged to God and 
to the State, and that it was only by an entire devotion 
to her country and her religion that she could respond 
to the vocation to which Heaven had called her. 
Willing to live only for her country and her religion, 
and ready to die for both one and the other, she 
accepted the crown ; but she also acccepted death, 
prepared to undergo, and in behalf of a cause so pre- 
cious and indeed so holy, either good or evil fortune." 
He died in Ireland in 1724. 

The pastor Droz commenced the first literary jour- 
nal which appeared in Dublin. He long exercised 
tl le ministry in that city. He was the founder of the 
library on College Green. 

The descendants of the Huguenots have held their 
rank in proportion to their numl)ers, in all the depart- 
ments of active life in England, from their naturali- 
zation to this day. They were kindly received by the 
nation ; and fully have they repaid that kindness in 
their contribution to the wealth and greatness and 
moral grandeur of the kingdom. 

The English encouraged emigration of the Hugue- 
nots to their colonies in America. Charles H. pre- 
ferred their residence in the colonies to their remain- 
ing in England. He gave outfits and paid the passage 
of many to South Carolina. William III. encour- 
aged them to colonize in Ireland and America. To 
those who should colonize in Virginia, he made spe- 


cial grants of lands and outfits. He favoured the 
attempt to found a colony of French artisans on the 
James river for the benefit of the whole colony, espe- 
cially the frontiers. 



The more distant effects of the Eevocation of the Edict of 
Nantes, on the House of Bourbon and the Nation of France. 

COLBERT, the treasurer and financier of Louis XIV, 
having done for his royal master, what the Duke 
of Sully did for Henry IV. , paying the debts of the 
nation, increasing the income, meeting the demands 
of the court, and filling the treasury, died two years 
before the fatal revocation of the Edict of E"ante8. 
A Huguenot, a patriot, and a lover of the King, and 
a true statesman, he maintained, at the court of 
France, that the prosperity of the Huguenots involved 
the prosperity of France and the glory of the crown. 
After his death Louis could find no individual of that 
rare combination of talent, no cabinet of ministers of 
whatever abilities the members might possess, that 
could, after the derangement of the trade of France 
that accompanied and followed the persecution and 
emigration of the Huguenots, supply the demands of 
an expensive army, an extravagant court and an ambi- 
tious king. The King and the court believed that the 
confiscation of the estates of the Huguenots would 
open a rich mine of wealth for the treasury ; and the 
mournful reports made to him by the collectors of the 
revenue, for fifteen years after the revocation, stating 
the derangement of the finances and the cause, could 


not prevail with Louis to lessen his expenditures, or 
even cease from increasing them. The treasury 
became involved, and in the remaining fifteen years 
of his reign a national debt began to accumulate, 
whose weight finally crushed the house of Bourbon. 
Carefully veiled from sight, cared for by few, unno- 
ticed by most, it went on rapidly increasing for about 
one century, and then the bonds were cancelled by 
the blood of Louis XVI. , and his queen Marie An- 
toinette, and hosts of the nobles and gentry of France. 

Had there been no unmanageable debt on the 
nation, Louis XVI. would not have called the States 
General. Had there been no States General, there 
had been no gathering of materials for the National 
Conventions and Assemblies, and for the ferocities of 
the revolution. The changes necessary and desired, 
in the administration of the government, might have 
been accomphshed under the amiable, and most pure 
and humane of the Bourbon khigs without blood- 
shed or violence. 

A part of the immense amount of money carried 
from France by the flying Huguenots, or carefully 
remitted in course of trade, was put temporarily at 
the disposal of the States of Holland. These states 
hitherto penurious in their supplies to their leader, 
William of Orange, through jealousy, now alarmed 
by the warlike attitude of the French king, agreed to 
a loan in advance of the income of finances, to ena- 
ble the Prince to maintain the integrity of Holland. 
The terms of the loan were for a given amount annu- 
ally, for four years, to be expended at the discretion 


of the Prince. The amount ot money deposited for 
safe keeping, by the Huguenots, enabled the trea- 
surer to make the advances of funds in less 
than four years ; and the Prince drew the money at 
discretion, and expended it by the same rule. He pro- 
ceeded at once to organize that famous army composed 
of French Refugees and Hollanders, with which he 
made his descent on England, and took possession of 
the crown. In three years from the repeal of the 
Edict of ISTantes, William of Orange was on the throne 
of England, and James [I. an exile, and a pensioner 
of France. All the long cherished hopes and designs 
of Louis XIV., and the Romish clergy of France, 
that the kingdom of England and its crown should, 
like the house of Stuart, become a supporter and 
appendage of the Church of Rome, were crushed for- 
ever ; and En irl and became aoain *'the bulwark of 
the Reformation." 

The same alarm, at the cruel doings and ambitious 
projects of the King of France, that moved the States 
of Holland to supply the Prince of Orange with 
money, induced the same States of Holland to listen 
to the same Prince of Orange ; and also moved the 
governing powers of Austria, Spain, Bavaria, and 
Savoy, to unite with Holland, in the formation of the 
League of Augsberg, binding these nations to mu- 
tual efforts in resisting the political and military 
encroachments of the French King. The etfects of 
this league are known by the Treaty of Riswick, in 
1G98. By it bounds were fixed, beyond which the 
French King could never extend his empire perma- 


nently. In some fifteen years from the repeal of the 
Edict of Nantes were the great powers of Louis 
checked. Then followed the great campaigns in the 
Low countries, in which the art of war seemed to have 
become perfect. The armies of France were brave ; 
her miUtary leaders of untarnished honour, and the 
plans of campaigns were resplendent. But Louis 
XIV. felt the tide of his gL)ry receding as the weight 
of his years increased. The nations of Europe did 
not bid him *< God speed;" nor did his relations of 
the house of Austria cheer him on. The Pope him- 
self, sure of the religion of France, and dissatisfied 
with the political designs of the self-willed Louis, 
had been a partner of the League of Augsberg. 

Massillon, a favourite and admirer of Louis, in his 
funeral oration, upon the death of the great King, thus 
speaks of the reverses and afilictions of his last years : 
** And with what blows didst Thou not, my God, test 
his constancy ? This great King, whom victory had fol- 
lowed from the cradle, and who counted his successes by 
the days of his reign, this King, all of whose enterprises 
announced triumph, and who to that hour encoun- 
tered no obstacle, had nothing to check his confidence 
in his schemes ; this King, whose conquests had been 
rendered immortal by eloquence, and by innumerable 
trophies, and who had nothing to dread, except from 
quicksands of praise and glory ; this King, so long 
the master of events, had seen every thing by a sud- 
den revolution turn against him. Our enemies take 
our place ; they have only to shew themselves and 
victory alights upon their banners ; they are amazed 


by their own success ; the valour of our troops seems 
to have departed to their camps ; the very numbers 
of our armies appear to hasten their defeat; the 
variety of place only diversifies our misfortunes; so 
many fields famous for our victories are surprised into 
serving as the scene of our defeat. The people are 
aghast; the capital is threatened; want and death 
seemed to be allies with our enemies against us, every 
evil to befall us ; and God, who was preparing a re- 
source for us, had not yet disclosed it. 

<*But the time of trial was not yet passed. Thou 
hast stricken our people, O my God, as David ; Thou 
hast stricken them, as Thou didst strike him in his 
children. He Viad sacrificed to Thee his glory ; and 
Thou claimest the farther sacrifice of the blood of 
his children. What do I see here? and what a 
touching spectacle will it ever be to our posterity 
when they behold it on the pages of history ! God 
scatters desolation and death throughout the royal 
house. How" many august heads are struck; how 
many supporters of the throne overturned! The 
judgment begins with the death of the first born, 
whose goodness gave us the promise of happy days. 
(The Dauphin, the heir apparent.) 

** And here we utter our prayers and shed our tears 
over his dear and august remains. Still there yet 
remainded something to ourselves. But our tears had 
not ceased to flow, when a lovely Princess, (Adelaide 
of Savoy, wife of the Duke of Burgundy,) who re- 
lieved Louis of the cares of royalty, is snatched, in 
the most beautiful season of her age, from all the 


charms of life, from the hopes of the crown, and 
from the tenderness of the people, whom she had 
already begun to love and cherish as her subjects. 
Thy vengeance, O my God, demands such victims. 
Her last sigh breaths grief and death to her hus- 
band, (the Duke of Burgundy, the Dauphin's son 
and heir.) The ashes of the young Prince hasten to 
be united to those of his wife. He only survives her 
long enough to know what he had lost ; and w^e lose in 
him the hopes of that wisdom and piety which would 
have kept alive, to other generations, the reign of 
the best of Kings, and the ancient days of peace and 
innocence. Forbear ! O my God ! forbear ! Wilt 
Thou show Thy wrath and Thy power against the 
child whose eyes have just seen the light ? Wilt 
Thou dry up the source of a royal race ? and the 
blood ot Charlemange and Louis, which has fought 
so often for the glory of Thy name ; has it become 
before Thee as the blood of Ahab and of the impious 
Kings, whose posterity Thou hast scattered far and 
wide ? 

**The sword is still applied, my brethren. God is 
deaf to our tears, to the afflictions and piety of Louis. 
The spring-flower, whose early time was so brilliant, 
has been gathered. (The Duke of Bretagne, eldest 
son of the Duke of Burgundy, the grandson of the 
Dauphin, and great grandson of Louis XIV.) And 
if relentless death is content only to menace the in- 
fant, who still clings to the heart, that precious relic 
which God is disposed to reserve for us in the midst 
of our calamity, (the brother of the Duke of Bre- 


tagne, then a child, and sick, who was afterwards 
Louis XV.,) it is only to close this sad and bloody 
scene by taking from us the only son of three Princes, 
who remained to guard his infant years, and to guide 
and to support him on the throne. (The Duke of 
Berry, brother of the Dauphin, and great uncle of 
the heir apparent. ) In the midst of the mournful 
wreck of the royal house, Louis remained firm in the 
faith. The breath of the Lord passes over his nu- 
merous race, and it disappears like the marks on the 
sands of the shore. Of all the Princes that sur- 
rounded him, and who constituted the glory and light 
of his crown, there remains but a single speck on the 
point of being put out." 

The orator, Massillon, proceeds to denounce the 
Massacre of St. Bartholomew's day, as an event 
** which pity and humanity will disown, and which 
ought to be eftaced from our annals." But he praises 
him for the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, **by 
which heresy disappears, and is gone to hide itself in 
the darkness from whence it came, or to pass beyond 
the seas." 

The long reign of Louis XIV. had its peculiar 
literature : the culmination of the religious literature 
of France under the Bourbon line, founded on and 
embracing all the previous literature of the kingdom, 
as a tower on a pile of rocks, or as a distillation of 
ingredients of power collected through passing ages. 
It bears the name, given it by Voltaire, of **The 
Age of Louis XIV." In all the descriptions given 
of this age and this literature, by French writers, 


tbere has been some grand omission. Voltaire either 
did not know it at all, or would not tell it all ; and 
Guizot did not know it all, or would not tell it all in his 
dissertation on civilization in France. All make 
an omission of works on the literature, the meaning, 
the morals, of revelation, the communication from 
God to man, addressed to his intellect and to his 
heart, presenting the highest, best, sweetest things 
mortals can conceive. Those writinsrs that main- 
tained the doctrines and forms and worship of the 
national religion, the religion of the Romish church, 
the productions of Bourdalaue, and Bossuet, and Mas- 
sillon, Fletcher and Fenelon, and held up to public 
admiration, for their style and spirit, their argument 
and lofty and refined thought. But the writings of 
their great opponents, or rather those whom the King 
summoned the greatest talents in his kingdom, or in 
the whole Eomish church, to oppose and put down ; 
those writers that, by their clearness and strength, 
and argument, and style, and feeling, gathered and 
kept together a mass of people in France, the bone 
and sinew of the kingdom, against all the induce- 
ments of the King and court, and the arguments and 
persuasions of the court writers, those master spirits 
and their works are not named in such a manner and 
form as to convey a distinct idea of their existence, 
much less of their excellency. When the ablest 
writers of the National Church could not put down 
their writings by calling attention to something better; 
and their orators, praised and honoured, to the utmost 
ability of the court and church, could not prevent the 


King from pronouncing the Huguenot, Du Bosc, the 
most eloquent man in his kingdom, and the courtiers 
were ordered to make known to him the King's 
admiration, and win him if possible to the King and 
court ; when all expedients to set aside the writings 
and preachers of the Huguenots failed, then by an or- 
der of the court bearing date the writings of these 

Reformers were collected with the greatest care and 
particularity, and burned ; and then by another edict, 
bearing date 1685, the preachers, the authors as well 
as orators of the Huguenots, were banislied the king- 
dom, under the penalty of death if they returned 
without particular permission. Copies of writings 
that stirred the hearts of Frenchmen to endure 
untold evils, were hunted out with a vigilance that 
left no vestiges in France except perhaps in the 
mountains of the Cevennes ; they could be found 
only in foreign lands, England, Holland, Switzer- 
land and some parts of Prussia, countries that appre- 
ciated the Huguenots. What the King would not 
tolerate, he strove to destroy. The writings that con- 
futed Bossuet and Bourdalaue, and stood in the way of 
the King's desired unity of the church, were, as far 
as the King could accomplish his wish, annihilated. 
And the literature of France became of one texture, 
and colour, and stripe; every production, from the son- 
net to the pages of history, held forth but one subject, 
the supremacy of the King in church and state. For 
a time poets and essayists and orators were 
rewarded for pages that set forth in pompous style 
the grandeur of the great King. But figures and 


epithets of praise were exhausted, and the literature of 
the asre of Louis XIV. bes^an to wane with the advan- 
cing years of the King. There was comparatively 
little in it to live, after ho had gleaned out that which 
employed the intellect of the kingdom. Europe had 
no interest in it ; and posterity regards it as the 
marks and remains of a deluge that swept away inde- 
pendence of thought. 

The literature of France under Louis XV., the 
great grandson and successor of Louis XIV., who 
came to the crown in 1715, and in his sixth year, dif- 
fered much from that of the age admired by Voltaire. 
The King and the court offered little for the public to 
praise. The poets had no inspiring event, historians 
few subjects, eulogists no exciting theme. The 
National Church required no defenders, for the King 
and clergy had taken from the people all reading and 
hearing that opposed the Romish creed and forms. 
The subject of religion and morals as emanating solely 
from God, and to be drawn in all their fundamentals 
and peculiarities from the Scriptures as his revelation, 
were not before the minds of Frenchmen; these were to 
be drawn from the teachings of philosophy, the decrees 
of councils and the traditions of the church. The 
councils and antiquity could alone interpret for them 
the Scriptures. 

The active French mind turned to other subjects. 
Every thing led them back to God, God as seen in 
His works, God as a subject of abstract thought or 
analytical enquiry. The idea of God once revealed 
to the mind, had become distorted and misappre- 


hended, bat it was never eradicated. God, in His 
revelation, was not a subject of discussion by Frencb- 
men ; but God in His works, God, tbe life of litera- 
ture, as of all tbe natural world, God, as He appeared 
to tbem in nature, was more lovely tban tbe God wbo 
was said by tbe court and clergy to be sbadowed fortb 
by tbe national creed and worsbip. 

Tbe national religion bad become in tbe minds of 
Frencbmen a national superstition, in tbe Roman 
sense of tbe word. Religion and superstition, some- 
tbing belonging to tbe nation, wbose mysteries were 
to be interpreted by tbe King and court, tbe interpre- 
tation in wbatever form, always moulded by tbe King 
and court. Scbolars maintained tbere was a nat- 
ural religion bebind tbe national religion or super- 
stition. Tbey claimed to be tbe interpreters of natural 
religion. Tbey professed to find ber dictates in tbe 
beavens above, and in tbe eartb beneatb, and called 
on astronomy and all tbe forms of natural pbiloso- 
pby, and all tbe new discoveries in America, and tbe 
islands of tbe ocean to give in tbeir testimony about 
God and tbe perfection of natural religion. Tbey 
called tbe national superstition, or religion of France, 
revealed religion, tbe religion of tbe Bible and of 
Rome. Tbe dictates and principles of natural reli- 
gion, gatbered from tbe investigation of tbe works of 
God, wbicb tbey called nature, was promulgated in 
romances, and tales, and essays, and bistories of 
tbings discovered and done in America, and also in 
tbe volumes of tbe severer studies. Men practised as 
mucb of tbe forms of tbe national religion as sbould 


give them a standing at court and at Rome ; and 
turned the force of their talents to the illustration of 
the religion of n atnre. The vigour, the vivacity, and the 
enterprize of the French intellect was fully employed in 
endeavouring to find in nature the true idea of God 
they did not see in Rome, and were forbidden to 
search out in the word of God's revelation. They 
were turned away from the brightness of the Father's 
glory, and express image of His person, to search 
among the footprints of His goings for the beautiful 
face and glorious spirit of their^God. 

The Dictionary of Arts and Sciences, published by 
Ephraim Chambers, in 1728, in London, by its abil- 
ity and extent of research, attracted general attention, 
and appeared on the continent in Italian and French 
translations. A proposition to reprint the translation 
in France, resulted in the plan of a more extended 
work to be conducted by Diderot and D'Alembert, 
to be embraced in ten quarto volumes. The first vol- 
ume appeared in 1751. After the seventh volume 
which appeared in 1757, the publication in Paris was 
forbidden, and the remaining volumes, which were 
increased to ten of text and eleven of plates, making 
twenty-eight in the whole, appeared under a title-page 
to which Neufchatel was atfixed as the place of pub- 
lication. Four additional volumes of text and one of 
plates were afterwards added. This work was popu- 
lar from the commencement. Its introduction, writ- 
ten by D'Alembert, was considered the masterpiece of 
literature of the age. The government often interrupt- 
ed the progress of the work, on account of its evident 


hostility to the national religion, and the unlimited 
exercise of royal power. The assaults were not made 
openly and direct. The principles and authority of 
natural religion were proposed and defended ; and the 
happiness of people under governments of very limited 
authority was graphically delineated. As tlie work 
progressed, its popularity increased ; and its influence 
was unbounded and for a time resistless. 

With D'Alembcrt and Diderot were associated 
Voltaire, Rousseau, Turgot, Helvetius, Duclos, Con- 
dillet, Mably, Buttb% La Harpe, Marmontel, Raynal, 
Morellet, St. Lambert and many others of less noto- 
riety ; they were universally known as the Encyclo- 
pedists. The first two volumes published in 1751, 
were by decree of the royal council suppressed. The 
suspension being withdrawn, five new volumes ap- 
peared in 1757, and the work had four thousand sub- 
scribers. The court and clergy opposed, and were 
assisted by the parliament of l^aris; the University of 
Paris called the Sorbonne and the theatre to their 
aid. These all in various ways defended the religion 
of France and the prerogative of the court. Volumes 
were written, sermons preached and plays acted to 
chock the progress of the new ideas of the Ency- 
clopedia, and volumes were written in various forms 
to defend them. After the i»ublication of seven 
volumes the work was again suspended, an<l D'Alem- 
beit withdrew from the editorship and Diderot became 
the chief manager. The writers were exposed to the 
wrath of the clergy and the court, and escaped pains and 
penalties for heresy by admitting the national religion 



as the superstition of France, but maintaining the 
authority and excellence of natural religion ; and 
compelling their opposers to admit that either the su- 
perstition of France was in agreement with natural 
religion, or if opposed to it to show the difference, 
and on which side the superiority lay. The argu- 
ments used by the famous writers in the time of Louis 
XIV. , and directed against the Huguenots, were hurt- 
ful to the cause of national religion and the preroga- 
tive of the court. They appealed to the authority of 
councils and decisions of antiquity against the argu- 
ments drawn by the Huguenots from the Scriptures ; 
and the court and clergy had endorsed these arguments 
as true. The Bible and its decisions being thrown out, 
the Encyclopedists appealed to nature and her laws and 
dictates as the guide of men in all things : that an- 
tiquity had misunderstood nature ; and that the inves- 
tigator of nature was the interpreter of God. Had 
Louis XV. or Louis XVI, possessed the capability 
and will of Louis XIV., the Encyclopedists would 
have been treated as heretics, disbelievers in the Nat- 
ional Church and prerogative of the crown, and have 
been compelled to expiate their crime by imprison- 
ment and fines and banishment or violent death. In 
fact they pretended to believe that they must escape 
for their lives. Voltaire urged Diderot to flee from 
home to the court of Prussia. 

In this juncture France felt the necessity of the 

writings of the Huguenots, that Louis XIV. and his 

clergy had so carefully destroyed ; and there were no 

classes of men to come forth and restate their ar^u- 



meiits in popular French, and renew the contest with 
the national church and the court, for the divine 
right of governient in Church and State, moulded and 
directed by the expressed will of the God of nature. 
There were no men that could state advantageously 
that the study of nature led to God, and prostrated 
the whole race of men at His throne, beseeching from 
Him some communication from heaven that should re- 
veal the doings of the celestial court, and its connexion 
with earth, on which the footprints of the Almighty were 
so marked and so abundant. There were no writers 
that had the favourable ear of France, that could show 
to the nation, that the God of nature had made a 
communication to man that anticipated his wants and 
enquiries ; and that its pages were open to all ; 
able to instruct all, and revealing the will of the inli- 
nite mind about the doings of men in time and in 
eternity ; that men might read it in their closets, 
might ponder its teachings, might speak of them to 
their families and neighbours, and publish their con- 
victions to the world. There were none to show 
them the amazing difference in contrasting the reli- 
gion of nature with the national superstition of France, 
and contrasting the teachings of nature with the 
revealed will of God ; that there was a contrast in 
the first case, but a blessed argument in the latter ; 
that the God of nature and of revelation, did not 
speak a different language, but uttered the wisdom 
and glory of the same powerful God. France became 
infidel ; it was a necessity entailed upon her by her 
kings, and the clergy of Rome. 


There were three estates, or classes, that had some 
claim to legislative powers ; the nohlcs, the Romish 
clergy, and the middle classes, between the nobles 
and the poor, that held small possessions of land, 
were the mechanics, the manufacturers, and mer- 
chants of France. In the time of Louis XIV. the 
nobles were very generally assimilated to the court ; 
the poor that ranked below the third estate, were 
generally of the national church ; the third estate by 
banishing tlie Huguenots was forced into the national 
chnrch. The Ilngncnots had consisted of nobles, 
tlie mass of the third estate, with some converts from 
the clergy, and the very poor. The exiles that left 
France in the days of Lonis XIV., were, the smaller 
part of them, from the uobiHty, tlie larger part, by 
far, from the third estate, the bone and sinew of 
France. In that third estate, deprived of the preach- 
ing and literature of the Huguenots, infidelity spread 
widely. Enchanted with the discoveries in the various 
departments of nature, unconvinced by the reasonings 
and services of the Eomish clergy, and deprived of 
the teachings of the Huguenots, they embraced the 
teachings of the professed disciples of nature. Tl»e 
real strength of the house of Bourbon had always 
been in the Huguenots; Henry IV., Louis XHL, 
and Louis XIV., each confessed publicly and put it 
on record that they OAved their crowns to the fidelity 
and strength of the Huguenots. And it is well 
known that the Huguenots made it a matter of con- 
science both of politics and religion, to cherish their 
rightful king, hoping for redress for all wrongs from 


the kiDg's conviction of duty, and from the provi- 
dence of God. Louis XV. and XVI. found that 
Louis XIV. had deprived them of that stronghold 
upon the third estate without increasing their real 
power in the estate of the nobles or the clergy. And 
in this loss was involved the fatal weakness of the 

The last words of Louis XIV. to his great-grand- 
son and successor were , '* My child, you are about to 
become a great king. Do not imitate me, either in 
my taste for building, or in my love of war. Endea- 
vour to live in peace with the neighbouring nations. 
Render to God all that you owe Ilim, and cause His 
name to be honoured by your subjects. Strive also to 
relieve the burdens of your people, which I myself have 
been unable to do." In these burdens on the people 
was the weakness of the crown. The young king did 
not understand the danger that lurked in his path. By 
the advice of his courtiers he increased the debt of 
the nation. Its magnitude finally alarmed him ; he 
trembled lest its payment should be demanded in his 
day, and knew not how to sliie'ld \m successor from 
the impending ruin. 

The literature of Louis XVI. was the fiery litera- 
ture of the great 1^'reuch revolution ; it need not now 
be counted or weighed. It was the consequence of 
the literature of Louis XV. , as that followed the lit- 
erature of Louis XIV. History says that the 
finances of France were so hopelessly involved, that 
a meeting of the States General was called for ; an 
event which had not taken place since the year 1614, 


and to its wisdom when assembled, May 5th, 1789, at 
Versailles, was committed the arduous work of re-es- 
tablishing the depressed finances of the kingdom. 
By order of the King, the number of the first estate, 
the nobles, was fixed at three hundred ; that of the 
second estate, or the clergy, also at three hundred ; 
that of the third estate, or the middle classes of men, 
at six hundred, a number equal to both the higher 
estates. A quarrel immediately ensuing, about the 
powers of the three estates, the third estate, on the 
17th of June, declared itself a National Assembly. 
On the 23d of June the King dismissed the Assembly 
of the States. The third estate refused to be dis- 
solved, and their leader, Mirabeau, replied to the offi- 
cial that bore the summons, '*Tell your master that 
we sit here by the power of the people ; and that we 
are only to be driven out by the l)ayonet." The 
King yielded ; and at his request, the members of 
the first and second estates took their seats. The 
revolution was now begun. July 14th, the Bastile 
was destroyed. ''It is an insurrection!" said the 
alarmed King to the Duke Rocheforecold. '^No, 
sire," said the Duke; ''it is a revolution." 

In the progress of the revolution, to the overthrow 
of all the political and religious fabric of the French 
government, one fact is to be observed: the third 
estate held the interest of France, whether of the 
King, or nobles, or clergy or the middle classes, or 
the poor, in its hands. That middle class was once, 
to a very large degree, under the influence of the 
doctrines, political and religious, of the Huguenots ; 


and in times of danger the crown had found its de- 
liverance come from that estate. Now that same 
estate, in a great measure free from Huguenot influ- 
ence, and in just the same degree, was infidel, follow- 
ing natural religion, and opposed to the national 
superstition, and to the authority of the King. As 
a consequence of the doings of Louis XIV., Louis 
XVL, second King in succession, found himself in 
the hands of enemies, with whom he must compro- 
mise, or be crushed, instead of friends by whom he 
would have been cherished, in those concessions of 
authority he made for the peace of the kingdom ; in 
the liands of infidels, who thirsted for the blood of 
kings and nol)les, instead of believing Huguenots, 
who had poured out their treasures and their blood 
for the house of Bourbon as the legitimate kings of 

Churches and nations, like individuals, revoke 
their own decisions, and condemn their past actions. 
Time, in its silent progress, with resistless argument, 
works changes in opinions, after passion is hushed and 
error has lost its power to govern. When the Mas- 
sacre of St. Bartholomew's day, in 1572, was an- 
nounced to the world, the Romish clergy of France 
rejoiced; and the Pope, as head of that church 
throughout the world, approved it ; and by a special 
medal, representing the slaughter of the Huguenots, 
made it a notable event in the history of the church. 
The parliament of Paris followed his example, and 
on their medal engraved the words, ** Piety aroused 
justice." In about one century and a half, Massillou, 


pronouncing the eulogium of Louis XIV., and prais- 
ing him for the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 
thus speaks of the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's : 
*'Even by the recollection and injustice of that 
bloody day, which ought to be effaced iYOtm. our 
annals, which piety and humanity will always dis- 
own, which in the effort to crush heresy, under one 
of our late Kings, gave to it new fire and fury, and 
fumed, if I may venture to say it, from its blood, 
the seed of new disciples." All humane men agree 
with the orator in his bold assertions, reversing the 
decision of the Queen mother, the King, the nobles 
of France, the parliament of Paris, the Komish 
clergy of France, and even of the Pope himself. 

The same orator, Massillon, exhausts his rhetoric 
in praising Louis XIV. for the revocation of the 
Edict of iSTantes, and closes his adulation : *' Heresy, 
I say, upheld by so many bulwarks, falls at the first 
blow aimed by Louis for its destruction. It disap- 
pears and is gone, either to hide itself in the darkness 
from which it came, or to pass beyond the seas, and 
to bear with its false gods its rage and its bitterness 
to foreign lands. At length France, to the eternal 
glory of Louis, is cleansed of this scandal ; the con- 
tagion no longer penetrates itself in families. There 
is no longer a field or a pastor ; and if fear, in the 
first instance, made hypocrites, instruction has made 
those, that came after them, sincere professors of the 
true faith. Events speak for me, and the seditious 
howl of heresy, driven out of the kingdom, which 
has reverberated throughout Europe, and the cries of 


false prophets scattered abroad, who aroused every 
where, after the fashion of their fathers, the signal 
of war and of vengeance againt Louis, have made 
to our hands an eulogium on his zeal. Specious 
reasons of State ! in vain you lay before Louis the 
precautions of human wisdom ; the strength of the 
monarchy weakened by the escape of so many citi- 
zens ; the course of commerce obstructed, either by 
the absence of their industry, or the secret deporta- 
tion of their wealth ; the neighbouring nations, the 
protectors of heresy, ready to arm in its defence. 
Danger fortifies his zeal." 

Bossuet, in his funeral oration on the death of 
Michael Le TeUier, delivered January 25th, 1686, 
gives utterance to a rhetorical eulogy of Louis for the 
acts passed a few months preceding : * ' But our fathers 
had not seen, as we have done, an inveterate heresy 
fall at a single blow; the erring flocks return in 
crowds, and our churches too small to receive them ; 
their false teachers al)andoniiig them, witliout await- 
ing the order, and happy in assignhig to them their 
banishment as their excuse ; the universe astonished 
in beholding an event so novel, the more certain 
mark, as well as the most legitimate exercise of 
authority, and the worth of the Prince more recog- 
nized and more revered than his authority. Touched 
with such a marvel, let us pour out our hearts in 
praise of the piety of Louis ; and let us say to this 
new Constantine, this new Theodosius, this new 
Charlemange, that which the six hundred and thirty 
fathers said of old in the council of Chalcedon; 


*You have made stable our faith; you have exter- 
minated the heretics ; it is the signal achievement of 
your reign ; it is its distinguished characteristic. 
Through you heresy no longer exists. God alone 
could work such a wonder. King of heaven, pre- 
serve the King of the eartli. Such is the prayer of the 
Churches; such is the prayer of the Bishops.'" Of 
Le Tellier, the Chancellor, who prepared the ])ill of 
revocation, and in signing it performed the last act 
of his official life, sinking under the weight of years 
and iniirmaties, he gives a graphic picture of his last 
act, his increasing sickness and succeeding death as 
worthy of a great Chancellor performing a great act, 
and says: '*God reserved for him the accomplish- 
ment of this great work of religion ; and he said, in 
sealing the revocation of the famous Edict of E'antes, 
that after that triumph of faith, and so bright a mon- 
ument of the piety of the King, he had no further 
concern about the ending of his days. This was the 
last word which he pronounced in the functions of 
his charge, a word worthy of crowning so glorious a 

And now, with the light of a century and a half 
shining on the revocation of that Edict, and ponder- 
ing the bitter trials that, in about one century from 
that event, came upon the unhappy Bourbon, Louis 
XVI., grandson of Louis XV., and who was great 
grandson of the Louis that styled himself '*the 
State," and by Massillon and Bossuet was proclaimed 
the exterminator of heresy, we listen to hear some 
eminent Frenchman speak of the revocation as a foul 


staiQ upou the historic records of France, and some 
ecclesiastic call for piety and humanity to expunge it 
from the pages. Massillon spoke the feeling of his 
age, and of all posterity, when he condemned the 
Massacre of St. Bartholomew. He uttered the voice 
of history wheu, in the funeral oration over the Dau- 
phin, whose death preceded that of his father, Louis 
XIV., he speaks of William, Prince of Orange, the 
great opposer of Louis, and protector of the Hugue- 
nots. "A truce long sought at that time by our 
enemies, had just disarmed all Europe. The King, 
(Louis XIV.,) in the midst of successes, had pre- 
ferred the happiness of nations to victories, which 
are ever the price of blood, and the peril of souls. 
"When from the depths of Holland there came a new 
vessel of the wrath of the Lord, destined by God for 
the detlironing of the most sacred Kings, and to be 
the instrument of His vengeance on States and king- 
doms: a Prince profound in his views, skilled in 
forming leagues and uniting master spirits, more for- 
tunate in making war than in lighting, more formida- 
ble in the security of the cabinet than at the head of 
armies ; an enemy whose hatred of the French name 
had made capable of forming grand schemes and of 
executing them ; one of those geniuses born to move 
people and sovereigns at their will ; a great man, 
had he never desired to be a King." 

Massillon and Bossnct spoke the feelings and sen- 
timents of France and the Romish church in their 
praise of Louis XIV. for the revocation of the Edict 
of Nantes, while the excitement of that novel trans- 


action was at its height. The biographers of Louis 
XVI., and the historians of the French revolution, 
sketch, in colours of fire, the terrible sulierings of 
the court and nobles of France, with multitudes of 
the third estate, connected with and following the sub- 
stitution of the infidel philosophy in the place of the 
doctrine of the Reformed ; and calling into the States 
General a host of infidels instead of a band of Hu- 
guenots — bitter enemies in the place of friends. The 
unhappy Louis XVI., like his ancestors Henry 
IV. and Louis XIII. and Louis XIV. , looked to the 
third estate for refuge. His ancestors found it, and 
said they reigned by the Huguenot power. He found 
it not, for his ancestors had driven the Huguenot 
power from France. He made concessions of priv- 
iliges ; he agreed to limitations of kingly power, such 
as were always plead for by the Huguenots ; but the 
infidels of the day knew not what limitation of 
authority, or what government they desired ; they 
panted for the destruction of the court and the nobil- 
ity, of every man whose wealth or office made him 
great. The King was lost. No effort of his own 
could have saved him. He might have been as 
heroic as he was courageous ; but without a faithful 
French population he could not escape. With a band 
of friends like the Huguenots, in the place of the 
infidels, he could, in all human probability, have paid 
the debts of the court, restored the confidence of the 
country, filled the treasury, and reigned in the hearts 
of all patriotic Frenchmen, a limited monarch, but a 
powerful King. 


There were some in France that thought right and 
felt right about Louis XVI. and the nation, m those 
troublesome times. They could wield a pen, and 
were not afraid to peril life in a good cause; though few 
in number, they were ready to serve the King ; and did 
serve him. They failed to save him ; but made their 
names immortal in the failure. It was not their 
fault that their numbers were too small to accomplish 
their hearts desire — the renovation of France under 
a Bourbon King, limited in his authority, and guided 
in government, by constitutional law. All Europe, 
all the civilized world, would now rejoice had their 
numbers been sufficient to meet successfully the op- 
posers of religion and sound government, in either 
the States General, or the various conventions or 
assemblies, that followed in succession, in all of 
which the truth of sentiments was tested only by 
the number of votes that could be brought to their 
support. They were, unhappily, a minority ; too 
small a minority, where a majority might have been, 
and ought to have been. 

Notwithstanding all eflbrts of Louis XIV. to drive 
the Huguenots to submission or to exile, there re- 
mained in the mountainous regions of France, 
particularly in the Cevennes, many Huguenots of 
the poorer classes. Ko efforts, in any of the **wars 
of the Cevennes," could drive these people from 
their religion or their country. Too poor to emi- 
grate, too Ijrave to capitulate, they would neither 
flee nor submit. In the years that have rolled on, 
from the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, till the 


bloody revolution in France subsided into a stable 
government, these people maintained their position, 
and increased in numbers, exhibiting a sagacity, a 
resolution, a perseverance, and a purity of morals, 
unsurpassed in the histories of the mountaineers of 
Plungary or Savoy. The world knew little of them ; 
and knows little now\ The record of the bright 
examples of piety, of self-devotion in the ministry 
and in the army, in the leaders and the private fami- 
lies, is yet to be opened to the admiration of the 
good, and condemnation of the wicked. There was, 
among others, Antoirie Court, whose Ufe and labours 
might form a study for candidates for the ministry in 
all ages. His probity and ability as a minister of 
the gospel, to sway the minds and hearts of moun- 
taineers were well known. The regent of France, 
perplexed by the intrigues of the Spanish court, 
applied to this preacher to aid the goverment in dis- 
abusing the minds of the people in the south of 
France, and in preserving their loyalty. The know- 
ledge that this patriotic man had already, as far as 
his influence extended, put an end to all fears from 
the influence of Spain, touched the heart of the 
regent. She commended him to Louis XV. That 
heartless King suffered the Huguenot to be denation- 
alized. Court retired to Lausanne, and spent years 
in conducting a seminary for the preparation of young 
men to be martyr ministers to the Eeformed in 
Fraoce. Many went from his seminary, fully aware 
of their danger, and preached and suffered among 
the Reformed. His own son returned to France, 


when his education was completed ; and under the 
name of Gebehn, or Count De Gebelin, won the 
favour of the court of Louis XV. by his writings in 
favour of his oppressed countrymen, using freely the 
materials prepared by his father. Had there been 
more like him to have written for the truth in France, 
Louis XVI. , by whom he was admired, and in whose 
reign he died, might have descended in honour to his 
grave. Next to these was Paul Kabout, whose influ- 
ence as a Huguenot preacher was uid3ounded in 
Languedoc, whom the Komish Bishop of ISTismes 
claimed as a friend and adviser. In winter and in 
summer he asseml)led crowds of hearers, numbered 
by thousands, in the fortresses of the Cevennes to 
attend upon his ministry. His favourite place for 
winter, called the Hermitage, was on the banks of 
the little torrent of Cadereau ; for summer, he occu- 
pied an ancient quarry, named Leque, approachable 
by only two niirrcnv paths. For twenty years his 
voice was heard in tliese retirements. The irritated 
Governor of the province set a i»rice upon his head ; 
and the minister passed his nights in the grottos of 
the mountains, and in the sheept'olds. 

The Marquis PauUni held him in the highest regard, 
won by liis heroism and confidence, and presented for 
l»im, .to Louis XV., a memorial that touched the 
lieart of the King, and procured lor the people of 
Languedoc great relief l>y the assistance of Lafay- 
ette, his son obtained from Louis XVI. the edict of 
1TS7, and the old man returned toNismes and reared 
a dwellhig in a street which yet bears part of his name. 


aud is called the street of Monsieur Paul. His son, 
Jean Paul Rabout, held a still higher position. Hav- 
ing finished his education at Lausanne, he embraced 
the Profession of his father, and returned to France 
under the name of St. Etienne. After the example 
of his father, he inculcated toleration, submission to 
the laws, love to the King, and forgiveness of injuries. 
The productions of his pen were highly esteemed. 
His Old Man of the Cevemics, showing the effects of 
the persecuting laws of France in an imaginary biog- 
raphy, in which all tbe oppressive laws were correctly 
stated, and their cruel influence truly and boldly set 
forth, was widely circulated and had great iniluence 
both on the mass of the people and in the literary 
world. And when the Bisliop of Nismes, who had 
been a personal and open friend of his father, died, 
he prepared and published an eulogy expressing the 
virtues and excellencies of that prelate. Upon read- 
hig it, Le Harpe, the celebrated critic, exclaimed, 
*' Behold true eloquence: that of the soul aud senti- 
ment. It can easily be seen that every thing which 
emanates from the pen of the author is inspired by 
the virtues which he celebrates." 

He went to Paris in 1787, and by the aid of Lafay- 
ette, Malasebes, and the Marquis of Bretuil, obtained 
from the King those concessions to the Protestants, 
under which his father became a citizen of Nismes. 
He was a member of the States General convoked in 
1789, of the third estate, representing his constituents 
in the south of France. He was conspicuous in that 


la the National Convention which assembled in 
1 792, Potion was chosen president, and of the six secre- 
taries, St. Etienne was one. On the trial of the King 
he opposed the proceeding of the Convention. He 
was in favour of a monarchy limited by constitutional 
law ; and on' the debates about the death of the King, 
he spoke in favour of propositions that would event- 
ually save the King's life, closing his address with ; 
** Yoti seek reasons of policy* These reasons are in 
history. Those people of London who had so strongly 
Urged the execution of the King, were the first to 
curse his judges, and to fall prostrate before his 
successor. When Charles II. ascended the throne, 
the city gave him a magnificent entertainment ; the 
people indulged in the most extravagant rejoicings, 
and ran to witness the execution of those same judges 
whom Charles sacrificed to the manes of his father. 
People of I*aris, parliament of France, have you heard 

The King was condemned by three hundred and 
sixty one votes out of seven hundred and twenty ; a 
majority of one vote deciding his fate. Where were 
the Huguenots then ? Had the Duke of Orleans 
voted for the King instead of against him ; or had 
two more voters come in from the absentees, as one 
man arose from his sick bed and came and voted for 
his King, had two more votes come in, France had 
been spared the disgrace of killing her king without 

St. Etienne was president of the National Conven- 
tion in 1793 ; and at the close of the year perished 


with the Girondins on the scaffold. These preachers 
were hrave men ; but infidel literature prevailed, and 
the Revolution went on in blood. 

The name of Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave, a Hu- 
guenot from Grenoble, ought not to be passed over 
in the list of those that honoured the principles of 
his party. The son of a rich attorney, and following 
the profession of his father ; of tine manners, and 
high reputation for talents, he was sent by his con- 
stituents to the States General, while not yet twenty- 
one years of age. He signalized himself by his deter- 
mined spirit and activity in redressing grievances and 
limiting the perogatives of the crown, and by his 
graceful elocution and fervid eloquence. Mirabeau, 
the leader and great orator of the Assembly, admired 
his grace of diction and sagacity of analysis, though 
used sometimes with stunning power against himself, 
and said of him, ' * It is a young tree, which however 
will mount high if it be left to grow." On the ques- 
tion of the relative authority of the King and the 
Assembly in declaring war and making peace, he was 
for restricting the King more than Mirabeau. Chap- 
elier proposed a compromise, which was carried, that 
the King should make an express proposition to the 
Assembly respecting war or peace, and the Assembly 
should deliberate and make its decisions, which the 
King was to sanction. He agreed with Mirabeau, 
the Lameths and others that the sanctity of the King's 
person should be inviolate. They thought a monar- 
chy limited by constitutional laws, assisted by a legis- 
tive assembly, the best government for France ; and 


that when existing abuses were remedied and the 
wants of the nation provided for and its honour vin- 
dicated, the Revolution was complete. 

Barnave was sent withPetion and Letou Marbourg 
to conduct back to Paris the royal family arrested in 
their flight at Varennes. He and Petion rode in the 
royal carriage. Petion, sitting between the King's 
sisters and opposite the royal' pair, disgusted them 
all by his affectedly rude manners and harsh expres- 
sions of his ultra principles. Barnave sat between 
the King and Queen, and won their esteem by his 
politeness. ** They were mutually surprised, each to 
find the other what they were." On reaching Paris, 
'after a slow journey of eight days in hot weather and 
a dusty road, cheered only by the polite attentions of 
the youDg man, the royal family expressed in strong 
terms their admiration of Barnave, and their conii- 
dence in his integrity. The King called on him to 
prepare his answer to the committee appointed by the 
Assembly ** to take the declarations of the King and 
Queen," respecting their flight ; it remains on record 
" a model of reasoning, address and dignity." At the 
close of the session for which he was chosen, Barnave 
accepted the office of mayor of his native city ; and 
married the daugliter of a lawyer, receiving as a 
dowry seven hundred thousand livres. From this 
position of influence and enjoyment, he was hurried to 
l*aris during the reign of terror under liobespierre, 
on an accusation at the bar of the military tribunal of 
having connived with the court ; and on the 29th of 
November, 1793, was condemned to the guillotine. 


The literature and philosophy of the Encyclopedists 
triumphed. The reign of terror was complete. The 
desperation of atheism afirighted the nation, and 
drove the Assembly at last to acts of moderation. 
But the house of Bourbon was swept away. And 
when, after years of revolutionary tempest, a scion 
was transplanted to the throne of France, it was 
speedily torn up and cast away. The Bourbons re- 
jected their friends, and the nation in turn rejected 

The events in the life of an individual, involving 
the actions and feelings and happiness of others may 
form a drama for contemplation, full of interest and 
instruction, illustrating principles of morals, religion 
and politics, in private and pubhc life. Real dramas 
and fictitious ones have been prepared with care and 
form a part of the literature of nations. Families, 
in their succession, crowns and kingdoms in their 
course, have given subjects for able pens to present to 
coming generations for instruction, encouragement, 
and warning. 

Parts of the lives of some men have been of a 
tragic character ; by their actions and spirit others have 
been inflamed, and have been sharers of the catas- 
trophe, whether for dishonour or for glory. The 
numbers involved may be great, and the interests 
immense. A fair portrature of the actors and repre- 
sentation of the varied scenes, with a delineation of 
the events that cluster at the grand conclusion, form 
a tradegy in private or public life. These, by careful 
examination and selection, may be set forth in the 


forms of the deepest interest. The real tragedies of 
human hfe have been the fruitful spring of the finest 
human Uterature, and have afforded the strongest 
arguments and persuasives to a pure and elevated 

The same tragic series of events may be found in 
the successive generations of a family that has risen, 
and multiplied, and prospered, and passed away in 
splendour or in shame. The example of honour or of 
infamy became more impressive from the numbers 
and high influence of the actors. History abounds 
in such clusters of human passions and sufferings ; 
they form the charm of history Years in the life of 
a man are swallowed up in his drama or his tragedy ; 
generations cast in their offerings, the essence of their 
life, for the grand tragedy of a family. 

Crowns have their origin ; the royal family rises, 
has its day of glory, and passes away. It may leave 
little for history to record beyond the common lot of 
men ; they were born, they lived, and suffered, and 
died. The great events of a royal house may be 
highly tragic, and be consummated in events that shall 
astonish mankind, giving examples to all royal houses 
and kingdoms, and all nations and people, of the cer- 
tainty with which principles in morals, and religion, 
and politics, and domestic arrangements work out 
their proper end. The streams have been running, 
and running, and winding, but enter the ocean at 
last ; the volcano has been long gathering, but breaks 
forth at the appointed hour ; the stately tree has been 


mouldering in the secret fibres, and having withstood 
hurricanes, falls before a lesser breeze. 

Instances have occurred in kingdoms, and are on 
record in the sacred volume, and in human histories, 
in which the unity of principles of action, of purposes 
to be accomplished, and passions and aftections cher- 
ished, have been as complete in the generations of a 
royal family as in a single individual of powers and 
opportunities for influence; and the catastrophe as 
completely defined, which closes the history and exam- 
ple of a royal family or a kingdom, as that which 
completes the tragedy of a single life. The Egyi3tian, 
the Assyrian, the Babylonian, the Persian ki'ngdoms 
are held up by the prophets of God as each having 
completed a great series of events in the grand history 
of the human race, each concluding with a fitting 
catastrophe, exposing to eternal infamy the principles 
by which they were wrought out. The prophet Dan- 
iel sketches most graphically the tragic events in the 
world's history from the fall of Babylon to the fall of 
Jerusalem ; and the apostle John, in his Apocalypse, 
brings before his readers, in images of unequalled 
splendour and terror, the great tragic events to fill up 
the undefined space of time between the ascension of 
Christ and the gathering of the redeemed people into 
glory, when the heavens and the earth that now are, 
have passed away with a groat noise, and there are 
new heavens and a new earth in which dwelleth righ- 
teousness Uninspired men have been trying to do 
the same thing, according to their several ability, for 
nations and kingdoms and crowns and families and 


individuals whose life had i)assed or was passing, and 
accomplished tlieir work with various success, each 
adding sometliing to the accumulated mass of human 
experience of the wajs of man dealing with his fellow- 
man, overruled by the eternal God. 

This is human history. And the nearer it approaches 
to the simple truth, the more impressive does it become 
of the imperishable principles that must govern human 
life. No tragedy that is a fiction, or a mixed produc- 
tion of fiction and tact can l)e as etftictive for good 
as that which is true. Imagination cannot form a 
group more terrible or more lovely than what has 
already been, or shall yet be in actual existence. 

Perhaps no portion of a nation's history, since 
the Christian era, will better exemplify tlie tragic 
events of life as seen in individuals, and families, 
crowns and royal houses, and masses of men, than that 
which records the doings of tlie Huguenots and the 
royal house of JJourbon, nnming through two centu- 
ries and a half, from the utitimely death of Henry IV., 
to the melancholy end of Louis XVI. and Marie 
Antoinette. Here will be found unity of princi- 
ple and purpose as unchanged and pervading in a 
royal family and in a community of people through 
generations as ever appeared in a single individual 
and his associates. In the Huguenots, a purpose pro- 
claimed to maintain a legitimate sovereign, who should 
govern by known laws and constitutional provisions ; 
and an unvarying demand for the enjoyment of free- 
dom of conscience in the prhiciples and forms of re- 
ligion ; and on the side of the I3ourbon race of kings 


a constant desire and struggle for arbitrary power in 
the state, and for entire supremacy in matters of re- 
ligion, that unity or variety in belief and forms of 
religion in France was at the will of the Sovereign. 

, Act first in the great tragedy had a variety of thril- 
ling scenes in the court of Catherine de Medici, 
regent, with her three sons in succession, the most 

fashionable and dissolute court in Europe from the 

secret treaty of Henry II. and the King of Spain, for 
the destruction of the Reformers or Huguenots in 
the two kingdoms, under sanction of the Pope of 
Rome, embracing the progress of Greek literature 
and the doctrines of the Reformers, the intrigues of 
the house of Guise for the succession to the crown 
about to depart from the Valois family, and ending 
with the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's eve, Auo-ust 
1572, of 70,000 Huguenots. ^ 

Act second is made up of a disordered series of 
events. The settlement of the crown upon the Bour- 
bon heir, Henry IV., by the firmness and energy of 
the Huguenots in expectation of their privileges ; the 
charter of liberty for the Huguenots in the Edict of 
ISTantes ; the King's abjuration of the religion of his 
ancestors and friends that gave him the crown ; the 
vast progress made in the consolidation of the govern- 
ment and wealth of the Huguenots, and the great 
project of the King for the balance of power in 
Europe; and ending with the assassination of the 
King in 1610 by a Jesuit. 

Act third embraces the age of Louis XIII. The 
contentions of the Queen Regent concerning her 


favourite, who is assassinated ; the dissensions witli 
her SOD, fostered by Cardinal Richlieu ; the great and 
successful efforts of the Cardinal to reduce France to 
an absolute monarchy, and to deprive the Huguenots 
of their privileges, although the crown was acknowl- 
edged to have beeu obtained by their aid; the siege ot 
Kochelle, and the faithlessness of the Cardinal and 
the King to Mornayand the citizens of Rochelle and 
the nobles of France ; ending with the death of the 
King and liis cardinal minister. 

Act fourtli, the age of Louis XIV. ; his minority ; 
his crown preserved by the Huguenots, who still hoped 
more from the Bourbon line than any other line of kings; 
Louis declares liimself the state, and in effect dismisses 
hiscabinet ; his ableHuguenotiinanciers and generals ; 
the literature of his court of a peculiar kind eulogis- 
tic ; successful in his wars ; by persuasions of his mis- 
tresses and the Romish clergy, he makes great efforts 
to reduce the religion of his kingdom to unity of creed 
and forms, and sacriticss his friends, the Huguenots, 
to save his soul from his sinful excesses ; calls for lite- 
rary aid from the ablest Romish clergy, who are 
paid to out write or out preach the Huguenots ; sub- 
jects them to civil inabihties of various kinds ; the 
dragonades attended with innumerable acts of cruelty ; 
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and 500,000 Hu- 
guenots driven IVoni France, and in ten years 2,000,000; 
closing with the catastrophe of his family and his 
unhappy death. 

Act fifth, the dissij.ated court of Louis XV. The 
oppression of the few Huguenots in France. The 


rise and progress of infidel literature under the Ency- 
clopedists ; the increase of the national debt; the 
demand of the infidel party for a revolution ; Louis 
XVI.; the States General; politics taken out of the 
hands of the King ; the national conventions and 
assemblies ; the King ofters all the Huguenots can de- 
mand and agrees to a written constitution ; the Hugue- 
nots agree to defend him, but not enough left in France 
to do it ; by one vote Louis is lost, and looses his head 
on the guillotine, and is followed by his queen, Marie 
Antoinette, and the blood of all classes of French- 
men deluge France. France receives an emperor in 
Napoleon Bonaparte. The Bourbon hue lost the 
finest kingdom in Europe as a consequence of their 
persecution of their friends, the Huguenots. 



Early attempts at Colonization in America Unsuccessful. 

AMERICA appeared to the Huguenots in the times 
of their sutterings for their reUgion, as a desira- 
ble refuge from persecution. As early as the year 
1555, Durand do Villegagnon, a Knight of Malta, 
was entrusted by Coligny, Admiral of France, with 
a colony of Huguenots to be settled in South Amer- 
ica, in the inviting, great, and indefinitely bounded 
country Brazil. He sailed from Havre with two 
vessels, taking with him labourers, mechanics, and 
some of noble famiUes, with some of the Reformed 
ministers. After a pleasant voyage, the ships entered 
the great river, Rio Janeiro. A fort was built upon 
its banks, and called, in honour of the Admiral, 
Coligny. Colonizing was not then well understood. 
Suitable preparations had not been made for the dif- 
ficulties that were inevitable. Discord succeeded 
sufferings and want. The colonists dispersed. Many 
died by fatigue and disease ; and some reached France 
in safety. Not discouraged by this ill-success, much of 
wliich had been attributed to climate, and distance, 
and want of proper outfit, the Admiral made pre- 
paration for another colony ; and having in 1562 
obtahied permission from Charles IX., he dispatched 
two ships from Dieppe, under Jean Ribault, to found 


a colony in Florida, a country of an indefinite extent, 
embracing the southern Atlantic shores of North 
America. Many old soldiers of the Huguenot faith, 
and many young men of noble family, embarked 
under the direction of that skilful captain. He touched 
the Florida coast at the mouth of St. Mary river. Re- 
maining a little time, he coasted northward, along 
the Georgia and South Carolina shore, to an island 
and inlet, which he supposed the mouth of a river, 
both of w^hich he called Port Royal. Here he built 
a iort, and called it Carolina, in honour of the King 
of France. In after times the name was applied to 
the State. Captain Albert was left to command the 
garrison of twenty-five soldiers, for the defence of 
the fortress and colony, the first in North America 
over which floated the flag of a civilized nation. 
This colony came to an unhappy end. The com- 
mander was accused of despotic conduct, and slain 
in a riot. The colonists embarked for France in a 
hastily prepared vessel, and were taken up at sea by 
an English vessel, and by them carried to Europe. 

Coligny made the third efibrt at colonizing America 
with Huguenots. Three vessels were dispatched under 
Ren(5 Landonniere, a sailor of rare intelligence. He 
built a fort and called it Carolina, further south than 
Port Royal, on the river St. John, and left the colony. 
In the course of the year a catastrophe overtook the 
colony, more sad and discouraging than the fate of 
the two preceding. 

The Spanish court had used every means in its power, 
by treaty and otherwise, to prevent the progress of the 


Huguenot faith in France. The Queen mother at 
the French court had united with the Spaniards, and 
encouraged their designs with her utmost skill. The 
history of her proceedings shows that next to her de- 
sire for her family to possess the throne of France, 
was her desire to eradicate the faith of the rival branch 
of the house of Louis XL, the Bourbon, and that 
branch itself, to make way for the Guise family, should 
her's become extinct. Neither she nor the King of 
Spain forgot for a moment their secret treaty for the 
destruction of the Huguenot faith. The Spaniard, 
Pedro Melendez, invaded the colony, and having 
adroitly made prisoners, in time of peace, of the 
greater part of the Frenchmen, he hung them upon 
tlie trees around, and left this inscription where it might 
be read : '* Hung as heretics and not as Frenchmen." 
Protestant Europe was indignant at the report. The 
French court made no reprisals. 

Dominique Gourges, a Frenchman of noble birth, 
who had seen service by land and by sea, and 
tried the varied fortunes of war, and at the hands of 
the Spaniards had endured much suffering, as a gal- 
ley slave, when he hoard of the crime of Melendez, 
swore vengeance. Selling his patrimony, and aided 
by two friends, he oqui[>ped three ships in the port of 
Bordeaux, enrolled two hundred men and left the 
Gironde, in 1567. Keaching the place, he gained 
over the Indians by presents ; and by their assistance 
attacking the Spaniards unawares, made great slaugh- 
ter and hung the prisoners that fell into his hands, 
with this inscription put up : ^* Hung as assassins, and 


not as Spauifirds." He returned to France. The 
** Catholic" King of Spain set a price upon his head ; 
and the ** most Christian King" of France not oppos- 
ing, Gourges escaped the gallows only by conceal- 
ment. Coligny made no further attempts at coliniza- 
tion in America, and the Indians had possession of the 
Carolina coast for another century. 

The admiral turned all his thoughts to the pacifica- 
tion of France under the Bourbon line, and was sac- 
rificed on the morning of St. Bartholomew's day, 
August 24th, 1672, with many thousand of his fellow 
Huguenots. But the court of France encourasced 
colonies of the Romish Church in North America, 
and attempted to extend the national hi fluence and re- 
ligion along the St. Lawrence, the great lakes and 
down the Mississippi, always refusing to give the Hu- 
guenots protection while seeking a home for them- 
selves, their children, and their faith on that great 
continent. In 1662 the French authorities imputed 
it as a crime to ship owners at Rochelle, the carrying 
emigrants to counti ies which were dependencies of 
Great Britian, and condemned them to pay a fine. 
One merchant named Brunet was required to produce 
within the space of one year, thirty-six young men 
whose departure from France he was accused 6f pro- 
moting, or bring a certificate of their death, or pay 
a fine of a thousand livres, and exemplary punishment 



The Emigration to New York. 

THE colonization of the banks of the Hudson was 
commenced by the Dutch as early as the year 
1615, near Albany. The only European settlers 
were commercial agents and their subordinates. No 
family was formed for some years. There were 
trading houses and cabins on Manhattan Island, at 
the mouth of the Hudson, in the year 1621, and the 
appearance of permanency was given by maintaining 
the position without interruption through the year. 
In 1623 the colony assumed a regular form, a num- 
ber of families being gathered around the new Block- 
house on Manhattan, over whom presided, as Governor, 
a Huguenot, Peter Minuits, the commercial agent of the 
West India company. The families composing New 
Amsterdam were in part Dutch and in part French. 
The States of Holland had ever been the refuge of 
the persecuted and the distressed. The sufferings for 
conscience' sake, under Francis II. and his successors, 
drove many French families to seek shelter in the 
provinces called the Netherlands. The Reformed 
Dutch Church was fashioned like the Ileformed 
French, in doctrine and in forms. The refugee 
Huguenots were always welcome in Holland for their 
purity of worship, and morals, and religious princi- 
ples, together with their industry in the iiner man- 


ufactories, whicli increased the trade and wealth of 
the land of their adoption. The grave and sedate, the 
plain-dressing Hollanders nevertheless duly complained 
of the love of dress, the gay manners, and cheerful 
habits of these emigrants from France, who could not 
be persuaded to imitate the domestic manners of the 
Dutch. The French president continued in ofhce 
in lls'ew Amsterdam six years. The first birth in New 
Amsterdam was of a daughter of a George Rapelji 
(Rapaeligo), a Huguenot, of a family that fled to Hol- 
land after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. Some 
French families settled on Long Island at the place 
called Walabout. The number of Huguenot emi- 
grants was so great, that in the year 1656, the public 
documents were issued in French as well as m Dutch 
and English. 

In the settlements along the Hudson, the French 
emigrants from Holland were not unfrequently inter- 
mingled with the Dutch settlers, cherishing the friend- 
ship shown them in their exile, and united in the doc- 
trines and worship of the sanctuary. The French 
language generally gave way to the Dutch, as they 
both in due time did to theEn2:Hsh, The Huo:uenots 
were welcomed by the Dutch at Kingston ; and to- 
gether they formed settlements along the streams that 
pour their waters into the great river. In 1663, Kings- 
ton suffered from an attack of the Indians ; twenty- 
four were slain, and forty-five were taken prisoners. 
** There lay," says Domhiic Blom, ''the burnt and 
slaughtered bodies, together with those wounded by 
bullets and axes. The last agonies and moans and 


lamentations of many were dreadful to hear. The 
burnt bodies were frightful to behold. A woman lay 
burnt with a child by her side. Other women lay 
burnt in their houses." lie adds : **Many heathen 
have been slain, and full twenty-two of our people 
have been delivered out of their hands by our arms." 
Some of the Huguenots were taken prisoners ; among 
them Catherine Le Fever the wife of Louis Du Bois, 
with their children. By the direction of a friendly 
Indian, the husband, with a band of bold men, per- 
sued, goiug up the iiondout, and then the Walkill, 
and on a third stream came upon th^ Indians, en- 
gaged in their l>loody orgies. The wife of Du Bois 
was bound, and the fagots ready for the burning. 
She was singing the one hundred and thirty-seventh 
Psalm — **By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat 
down." The savages, captivated by the solemn 
strains, bid her, by signs, go on with her death song. 
Du Bois and his company rushed on them and saved 
his wife. 

In this expedition the Huguenots discovered the 
low lands of New Paltz. A patent was obtained lor 
the lands from Governor Androp, in the name of 
twelve patentees, regularly selected by their brethren 
for the purpose, viz : Louis Du Bois, Christian Dian, 
Abraham llasbroug, Andros Le Fever, John Brook, 
Peter Dian, Louis Bevier, Anthony Crispell, Abra- 
ham Du Bois, Hugo Freir, Isaac Du Bois, Simon Le 
Fever. These were regarded as the patriarchs of 
the community. A copy of the agreement with the 
Indians is to be found in the records at Albany. To 


this document are appended the names of the paten- 
tees in the antique French character, and the hiero- 
glyphics of the Indians. The price paid for this 
extensive flat of alUivial land, lying on the west bank 
of the Hudson, about eighty-five miles from the city 
of I^ew York, and extending more than six miles 
interior, was twenty large kettles and twenty small 
ones, forty axes, forty adzes, forty shirts, four hun- 
dred strings of white beads, three hundred strings of 
black beads, fifty pairs of stockings, one hundred 
bars of lead, one keg of powder, one hundred knives, 
four quarter-casks of wine, forty jars, sixty cleaving 
knives, sixty blankets, one hundred needles, one hun- 
dred awls, and one clean pipe. The land for which 
this was the price is now worth millions. The bar- 
gain was concluded. May, 1677. The patentees took 
immediate possession. They were three days on 
their journey of sixteen miles from Kingston. 
Their conveyances were three wagons, the wheels of 
which were very low, with short spokes, wide rims, 
and without any iron. Log houses were soon erected 
on the Walkill, near to each other, for mutual defence. 
Afterwards stone edifices with port holes were added, 
some of which still remain. The fields for cultiva- 
tion were small, and near each other, to prevent sur- 
prise from Indians. The people always carried their 
arms to the field with them, lest the savages should 
attack them unarmed, or plunder their rifles from 
their houses. 

One of the patentees, Louis Bevier, when about to 
leave France, could not obtain from his father, exas- 


perated at liis departure, the least civility. For 
would the parent condescend to notice the kind salu- 
tations of another son, attectionately offered in the 
puhlic streets, on his linal departure. Another of 
the patentees, Dian, or Deyo, endured great suffer- 
ings in his flight from France to Holland. For days 
he concealed himself, without food, and at last es- 
caped, during a violent storm, on a fishing boat, alone, 
and came to America; and after settling at New 
Paltz, he was lost in the woods while exploring the 
country. Thirty years after a truss and buckle, 
which were Icnown as his, were found at the side of 
a hollow tree. Whether his death was occasioned 
by sudden sickness, or by wild beasts, or by the hands 
of the Indians, was never known. These relics were 
found a few miles only from the village, in the thick 
woods between New Paltz and Kingston. 

The name of Lefevre brings to mind the early 
Keformer in France, who taught that, ** Religion 
has only one foundation, one object, one head — Jesus 
Christ, blessed forever. The cross of Christ alone 
opens heaven, and shuts the gates of hell." 

Another of the patentees, Abraham Ilasbroug, 
came from Calais in 1675. Stopping for a time in 
the Palatinate, he and other refugees were treated 
with great kindness. In commemoration they called 
their village, De Paltz, the name given by the Dutch 
to the I^alatinate, meaning, the place of rest or 
refreshment ; and the httle stream they called, Wal- 
kill, after the river Waal, or Wael, a branch of the 
Rhine, in memory probably of some kindness received 


there ; as some of the emigrants had resided a few 
years in Holland and formed lasting friendships. 
Du Bois reached this country in 1G60. The Bevier 
family have a record of a birth, dated 1664. The 
minister, or oldest man, kept the key of a chest, in 
which their patent and all their important papers were 
preserved ; and to these papers and the patentees, or 
their successors, chosen annually in a town meeting 
from the families of the original patentees, all mat- 
ters of difficulties about boundaries were referred for 
final settlement. Among their first labours was to 
build a church of logs. This gave way to a building 
of stone, finished with brick from Holland, which 
was used for a church, and a refuge in time of alarm. 
It was square, and each of three sides was adorned 
with a window, and the fourth had a large door and 
a portico. The roof was of four sides, running up 
to a point, with a small steeple, from which a horn 
was sounded for public worship. Some of the Bibles 
brought from the old country with the emigrants are 
still preserved. The one brought by Louis Bevier 
has this title, **La Sainte Bible interpreter par Jean 
Diodati, 1643, Imprimee a Geneve." 

For some time the Huguenots of iTew Paltz used 
the French language. But as the Dutch was spoken 
at Kingston, Poughkeepsie, and ^New York, and also 
in schools and in churches, it was determined in public 
council to speak Dutch to their children and domes- 
tics. In time, the Huguenots in Ulster county 
adopted the language of the Dutch, together with 


their habits and customs, and- those have been pre- 
served with peculiar perseverance. 

On the 24th of January, 1664, N. Van Beck, a 
merchant of New Amsterdam, received letters from 
Eochelle, stating the wish of some French Protestants 
to settle in New Netherlands. Governor Stuyvesant 
and council resolved to receive them Idndly, and 
grant them lands. The records of Albany state that 
crowds of orphans were shipped for the new world ; 
and that a free passage was offered to mechanics. 

After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, many 
Huguenots came from Rochelle and established a 
town, which they named after their native city, New 
Rochelle, near the shore of Long Island Sound. The 
emigrants purchased of John Pell six thousand acres 
of land. The siege of their native place forms a 
memorable chapter in the history of France ; and is 
a melancholy conchision of the noble deeds of that 
renowned city. It is said that one of these emigrants 
would every morning go to the shore, look towards 
his native land, sing one of Marot's hymns, and per- 
form his devotions. At first these emigrants per- 
formed their Sabbath worship ia New Amsterdam, 
or New York, walking down to the city on Saturday 
night, a distance of twenty-three miles, joining in 
worship on Sabbath, and returning on Sabbath night 
to their homes. They built for themselves a small 
wooden church. This gave place to one of stone, 
on which all worked with intense ardour, women 
carrying mortar, even in their aprons, to hasten on 
the work. Queen Anne gave them plate for their 


church. Their first minister was Daniel Bondet. 
This gentleman emigrated to Massachusetts in 1687 
with a company of Huguenots, to whom land was 
assigned at a place called New Oxford. He received 
some support from the Society for the propagation of 
the gospel among the savages. His labours for nine 
years were approved. At that time, his company 
were dispersed by the inroads of the savages. He 
w^as induced to remove to N'ew Eochelle. Here he 
met with difficulties, which were in part removed by 
the certificate of Governor Houghton, Increase Ma- 
ther, and others, *' That he, with great faithfulness, 
care and industry, discharged his duty, both in refer- 
ence to Christians and Indians ; and was of unblem- 
ished hfe and conversation." He died at New 
Rochelle, after many years of service, bequeathing 
his library of four hundred volumes to his church. 
He and his congregation had for many years con- 
formed to the rites and worship of the Church of 

Staten Island, in the bay of New York, was a 
favourite asylum for the Huguenots. It might pro- 
perly have been called. Huguenot Island. They 
came in considerable numbers about the year 1657, 
with a pastor, and erected a church near Richmond 
village. The place was marked a few years since by 
a few broken grave stones. The French ministers in 
New Amsterdam, Drusius and Magapalensis, used 
occasionally to visit these emigrants and preach for 
them. From a letter, written by these clergymen in 
1657, to the ** Reverend Pious Learned Sirs, Fath, 


ers and Brothers in Christo Jesu," of Holland, giving 
the state of the churches in New Netherlands, A. D. 
1657, it appears that at that time there were only 
five or six congregations in the province. The his- 
tory of these emigrants has all the romance attending 
the liight of the Huguenots from France. Henri de 
la Tourette fled from La Vende. To prevent suspi- 
cion of the neighbours, he gave a large entertain- 
ment, and while the guests were assembled, he, with 
his wife, suddenly departed for the sea coast. The 
vessel on which he embarked for Charleston, South 
Carolina, by distress of weather, made a harbor at 
Staten Island. A long list of pious descendants 
trace their origin to this family. By the tolerant 
measures of Queen Anne, many of the refugees that 
had been kindly received in England removed to this 

Like the descendants of the emigrants to Ulster 
county, the progeny of the refugees to this lovely 
spot occupy, in many cases, the farms held by their 
ancestors. Tlie names of Dissosway and Guion are 
examples. This Island, about fourteen miles long, 
and about three wide, has a population of about 
eighteen thousand, divided into thirty evangelical 
congregations. And it is worthy of notice that most 
of the ofhcers and zealous members in these churches 
are descendants of the Huguenots. The name of 
Bedell, well known in the churches, comes from the 
Huguenots of Staten Island. In the early records 
we find Fontaine, Reseau, La Tourette, Eutan, Be- 
dell, Fuillon, Mercereau, La Conte, Butten, Mancy, 


Perrin, Larselene, Cruse De Pue, Corssen, Martineau, 
Tuenire, Morgan, Le Guirie, Joueniey. The Dutcli 
intermarrying with these French refugees, almost 
every old family claims relationship with the Hugue- 
nots. During the revolutionary war a Mr. Dissos- 
way fell into the hands of the enemy. His wife' 
was the sister of. a brave officer. Captain Nathaniel 
Randolph, who had much annoyed the British. One 
of her majesty's officers promised her the release of 
her husband if she would induce her brother to leave 
the rebel ranks. She replied: ** Could I act so das- 
tardly a part, think you that General Washington 
has but one Captain Randolph in his army ?" There 
were Huguenots on both the male and female line of 
the family. 

In IsTew Amsterdam an humble chapel was erected 
on Marketfield street, near the Battery, for the wor- 
ship of God in the French language. Here the ref- 
ugees in the city, that preferred to worship in their 
mother tongue, assembled from Sabbath to Sabbath. 
Many came to join them from Staten Island, from 
Long Island, and New Rochelle, some in boats and 
some on foot, and some in wagons, in which they 
lodged all night ; and together sung the hymns of 
their ancestors, and prayed, and heard the doctrines 
that had consoled them in all their labours and exile. 
In 1701 a more commodious place of worship, L'Eglise 
du St. Esprit, was erected on Pine street, opposite the 
Custom House. To it was attached a cemetery. The 
building was of stone, and nearly square. The bell 
was the gift of Sir Henry Ashurst of London. Ou 


.. .«^.. 

the front of the house was the inscription, ** JEdes 
sacra Gallor. Prot. Reform. Fonda, 1704. Penitus Repar. 
1741." In this church Francis Makemie preached 
after his famous trial for preaching the gospel in New 
York. This huikhng and the cemetery have both 
been removed, and the site is occupied as a place of 
trade. The congregation erected a marble edifice in 
Leonard street, where the doctrines of the Reforma- 
tion are still preached in the tongue in which they 
were so eloquently proclaimed by Claude and Du 
Bosc and Abaddie and Saurin, and a host of ear- 
nest preachers. This congregation is in connexion 
with the Episcopal Church. In every other case the 
French tongue gave way. The greater part of the 
IIuii:uenots coalesced with their old friends, the Dutch, 
and became part of the Reformed Dutch. The 
others became united with the denominations that 
used the English language, principally the Episcopal 
and Presbyterian denominations, and the descendents 
are recognized only by their names and their spirit. 

Louis XIV. followed with his displeasure those of 
his exiled subjects settling in South Carohna, and 
cut off all hopes of reconciliation by forbidding them 
to form a colony in Louisiana. He pursued the 
exiles in New York with greater vengeance. Having 
encouraged the Marquis de Denonville to undertake 
the subjection of the Iroquois, the Governor of Mon- 
treal, the Marquis of Seignclay writes to him: ** It 
is likewise necessary for the establishment of religion, 
which will never spread itself there except by the de- 
Btruction of the Iroquois ; so that upon the success of 


the war which the Governor General of Canada pro- 
poses to commence against the Iroquois on the 15th 
of May next, depends either the ruin of the country 
and of rehgion, if he be not assisted, or the estab- 
lishment of religion, commerce and the King's power 
over all North America, if he be granted the aid he 
demands." The King replied from Versailles, March 
30, 1687, that he expects *'to learn at the close of the 
year, the entire destruction of the greater part of those 
savages ; and as a number of prisoners may be made, 
and his majesty thinks he can make use of them in 
his galleys, he desires him to manage so as to retain them 
until he have vessels from France. " It does not appear 
that his majesty obtained any galley slaves from the 
Iroquois. But De Denonville informed him : ** We 
witnessed the painful sight of the usual cruelties of 
the savages, who cut the dead into quarters as in a 
slaufichter house." 

Two years after, the French Governor of Canada 
formed a project for the reduction of New England 
and New York. Albany was the first to be surprised 
and reduced, and then Manhattan taken. He tells 
his royal master that this was the way '' to establish 
firmly the Christian reUgion among the Iroquois and 
the other savages, and also throughout North Amer- 
ica." The King approved the plan. All faithful 
Catholics were to remain unmolested in the attacks, 
whilst the <* French refugees, particularly those of 
the pretended Reformed religion, must be sent back to 
France." In consequence of these plans, Schenectady 
was assaulted in February 1689, during a heavy 


snow storm, many of the inhabitants killed, and 
twenty-seven taken prisoners and marched into Can- 
ada. From this time the colonies were harassed by 
Indian wars. The French governors in America were 
inflamed with the passionate desire to exterminate 
all Protestant colonies from North America ; or at 
least to confine them to the narrowest possible limits 
on the Atlantic shore. The Jesuits urged on the 
scheme. The King, however, was absorbed in the 
wars of Europe and the pleasures of his luxuri- 
ous court. To arrest his attention and obtain the 
necessary supphes, the Governor, supported by the 
Jesuits, appealed to the ruling passion of his old age 
to atone for the sins of a long life, and to secure an 
entrance into heaven at last by rooting out Protestant- 
ism, and completely establishing the forms of wor- 
ship and the doctrines of the Romish church through- 
out France and its dependencies. This appeal was 
not in vain. The Iroquois being friendly to the 
Dutch colony on North river, was involved in the 
plan for the universal destruction of all the opposers 
of France in America. From the massacre at Sche- 
nectady, the murderous incursions of the Indians, 
instigated and assisted by the French governors, con- 
tinued till the capture of (iucbcc by the gallant Wolfe, 
and the consequent seizure of the province from the 
mouth of the St. Lawrence to Louisiana. The desire 
of Louis XIV. for Indian galley slaves and the return 
to France of the Huguenot exiles in New York was 
never gratified in a single case. 

The Huguenot and Dutch families intermarried. 


Their descendants form numerically but a small part 
of the population of the great State of New York. 
Their moral, religious and political worth have ever 
placed them amongst the most valued citizens iu every 
department of life. One president of the Continen- 
tal Congress was from the Huguenot race in South 
Carolina, and one from New York — Laurens and 
Jay. The pulpit has sought her ornaments among 
them ; the bar has found her advocates ; mercantile 
life her merchant princes ; and the domestic circles 
have been blessed with examples of purity and hap- 
piness. The influence of this small }>art of the com- 
munity upon the whole has been adorning and ele- 

The following is a list of part of the consistory and 
some of the principal families composing the French 
Church in New York after the revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes. At the close of the seventeenth 
century this church was considered the metropolis of 
the French Church in America, being strong in num- 
bers and firm in doctrhie. The names are gathered 
from a pamphlet in the British Museum. Of the 
consistory were Pierre Valette, Thomas Bayeux, Jean 
Casals, Jean-Jacques Moulinars, Jean Barberie, and 
Abraham Jouneau. Some of the families were 
Etienne de Lancey, D'Harriette, Lafonds, Girard, 
Pineau, David, Moreau, Vincent, Dupuy, Allaire, 
Gamier, Clc^rambault, Pellerault, Ebrard, Jay, Gau- 
tier, Bonrepaus, Tharge, Barre, Bodin, Ravoux, 
Eicber, lioussel, Beau and Fresnau. 

As late as the year 1772, a letter was sent to the 


French Church at London, signed by Jacques Des- 
trosses, Jacques Buvelot, Frederic Basset, Jean 
Pierre Chapelle, John Aymar, Jean Girault and 
Francis Carre, asking for a pastor that could interpret 
the gospel in two languages, the French and the 



The Emigration to Massachusetts. 

THE colony of Massachusetts opened her doors to 
the exiled Huguenots. After the taking of 
Rochelle, many of its distressed citizens sought 
refuge in foreign lands ; some fled to America, a few 
to Massachusetts. In 1662, the families of refugees 
in that province were numerous ; and the authorities 
of France, having condemned some ship-owners 
of Rochelle to a heavy fine for receiving emigrants 
on board their vessels, and conveying them to a de- 
pendency of Great Britain, and having ordered one of 
them named Brunet under penalty of fine and punish- 
ment to produce thirty-six young men, whose escape 
he was accused of having favoured, or to exhibit 
legal evidence of their death ; Jean Touton, a doctor 
and Huguenot, asked of the general court of the 
province, in his own name, and that of the other Pro- 
testants that had been compelled to flee their country, 
authority to sojourn in the colony. This was readily 
granted. Sure of protection in the colony, the Hugue- 
nots formed establishments in Boston that attracted 
other emigrants. To this city in 1679, EUe Nean, 
chief of a family in the principality of Saubize, directed 
his steps. He was afterwards taken prisoner by a pri- 


vateer, on a voyage to Jamaica in a merchant vessel 
commanded by himself, carried to France and shut 
up in the galleys, and kept till 1G97, when he was 
released through the intercession of Lord Portland. 
About the year 1GS5, a company of Huguenots 
sailed from France for ]>oston. Every means was 
taken to conceal their intention to depart. One family, 
by name Germaine, related that they left at their 
house the pot boiling over the fire. On their arrival, 
they were kindly entertained on Fort Hill. In 1686 
the General Court granted a tract of land, eight miles 
square, called by the Indians I^ipmug, to Joseph 
Dudly, Wm. Houghton, and Major Robert Thomp- 
son. Of this grant about twelve thousand acres 
were set apart lor the village of Oxford, near the 
present city of Worcester. The whole country 
around was a wildernrss. Gabriel Bernon was 
named as the undertaker of this ])lantation ; and to 
this place the emigrants on Fort Hill removed, hav- 
ing purchased portions of the land at low prices. 
One of the first acts of these refugees was to settle 
Daniel Bondet as their minister, at a salary of forty 
pounds. He received some twenty-five pounds per 
annum from the society for the propagation of the 
goHpel among the savag(\s. A fort was erected, the 
traces of whicli can still be seen. The savages were 
induced to make an inroad on tliis peaceable settle- 
ment, as a part of the great scheme formed by the 
French Governor of Canada for the destruction of 
all the Protestant colonies, and in particular the Hu- 
guenots. A Mr. Johnson was massacred, with his 


three children. Andrew Sigourney, a brother of 
Mrs. Johnson, alarmed by the report of guns, ran to 
the house, seized his sister, and escaped with her 
through a back door. Discouraged by tins attack, 
the colonists retired to Boston in 1696. Their preach- 
er, being invited by Colonel Ileathcote, removed to 
N'ew York, and became pastor of the church at New 
Rochelle. He received from Governor Houghton 
and others a certificate **of great faithfulness, care, 
and industry," in performance of his duties "to 
Christians and Indians." 

A church was founded in Boston for the refugees 
in 1686, and was served by French pastors. In after 
years this very buikling was used by French Catholics, 
who fled from the violence of the revolution in France. 
The first Huguenot pastor, named Daille, came in 

Here, as in the other provinces, tlie French lan- 
guage gave way to the language of the majority, and 
the Huguenot families intermingled with the families 
and congregations of Boston. The severity of the 
climate turned the attention of the emigrants to the 
milder regions of Virginia and the Carolinas. The 
son of a Huguenot, by name Peter Faneuil, in 1742 
presented to the city of Boston a building for the- 
convenient assemblage of the people on occasions of 
political interest, which bears the name of Faneuil 
Hall. From the proceedings' held there, in the 
times preceding the revolution, 1763, it received the 
additional name of *'the Cradle of Liberty." The 
hall still stands. In the northern province of Mas- 


sachusetts, now the State of Maine, a flourishiiig 
college received its name from a liberal descendant 
of a Huguenot, named Bowdoin. These two monu- 
ments of the French emigrants show tlie spirit of the 
Huguenots that sought and found a refuge in the Bay 
State. Some of the descendants of these people, in 
the male and female branches, may still be found in 
the State, though the memory of their French origin 
has in a great measure passed away before the greater 
eclat of the dominant and aspiring race. 



The Emigration to Virginia— The Colony of Manakin Town. 

THE first permanent Protestant colony in N'orth 
America was Virginia. Tlie living ministry and 
the regular worship of God in a Protestant form 
came with the first colonists. The foundations of 
Jamestown were laid with divine service according to 
the rites and ceremonies of the Church of England. 
The directors and the first actors in this settlement, in 
a wilderness country, desired and designed that the 
estahlished church in the mother-land should be the 
perfect model of the belief and worship of the church 
in the colony ; and that the Church and State should 
be indissolubly united. The numerous laws, enacted 
by the colonial Legislature, for the maintai nance of 
public worship were imperative, and fashioned on the 
primary principle of strict construction. In strict 
construction the New Eiigland colonies followed her 
example, fashioning the church on a peculiar model. 
Virginia was a colony of Englishmen ; and for a 
series of years none but Englishmen were welcomed, 
or could obtain citizenship. Those Englishmen that 
held to the Romish church, and those reckoned Puri- 
tans of the independent class, were debarred the 
colony. All of every class of citizens that failed to 
take part in the worship and ceremonies of the estab-. 


lislied church, were visited with pains and penalties. 
Virginia claims the first regular worship in Protestant 
America. The first act of the Legislature, giving 
encouragement to foreigners, was passed in 1657, in 
the ninth year of the Commonwealth of England, 
and styled, *' Concerning Denization." 

In 1659 it was ** ordered: That John Johnson, 
millwright, being a Dutchman, be, for the encourage- 
ment of other artisans, of what nation soever, ad- 
mitted to be a denizen of Virginia, he having been 
resident here much longer than the act for denizens 
requires. And intending, according to the tenor 
thereof, to make this the place of his future residence. 
Therefore, upon oath taken according to act, his let- 
ters of denization are ordered to issue forth." In 
tlie month of October, 1660, an act was passed in 
favour of the denization of Nicholas Brote, after a 
further residence of two years in the colony. No 
mention is made of his acceptance, or of the nation 
wlience he came. 

A more liberal act was passed in 1671. ** Whereas 
nothing can tend more to the advancement of a new 
plantatit)n, either to its defence or prosperity, nor 
nothing more add to the glory of a prince than being 
the gracious master of many subjects, nor any better 
way to produce those eHects than the inviting of peo- 
ple of other nations to reside amonge us, by commu- 
nication of privileges — Be it therefore enacted and 
ordeyned by this grand Assembly and the authority 
thereof, that any stranger desiring to make this 
country the place of his constant residence, may upon 


their petition to the grand Assembly, and taking the 
oaths of allegiance, and supremacy to his majesty, 
be admitted to a naturalization; and by act thereof 
to tliem granted, be capable of office, traffique, and 
trading, of taking up, purchasing, conveying, devis- 
ing, and inheriting of lands ; and all such liberties, 
privileges, immunities, whatsoever as a natural born 
Englishman is capable of, provided that the bcnefitt 
of such naturalization be confined and esteemed to 
extend only to the government of Yirginia, beyond 
which this grand Assembly pretend to noe authority 
of warranting its sufiiciencie. Be it therefore en- 
acted by the authority aforesaid, that the ftee for 
every naturalization be eighteen pounds of Tobacco 
to the Speaker and libur hundred to the Clerk of 

Under this act, patents of naturalization were 
granted by the Assembly in 1672, to Joshua Mulder, 
Henry Weedeck, Christopher Rigault, Henry Ffay- 
son Vandoverage, John Muttone, Dominick Theriate, 
Jeremy Parkquitt, Nicholas Cock, Henry Wagge- 
more, and Thomas Harmenson ; in 1673, to John 
Peterson, Rowland Anderson, Michaell Valandigam, 
Minor Doodes, Doodes Minor, and Herman Kelder- 
raan; in 167^5, to Christian Peterson; in 1676, to 
Garratt Johnson ; in 1679, to Abraham Vinclar, 
John Michaell, Jacob Johnson, John Pemmett, and 
John Kecton. The nation or employment of the in- 
dividual is in no case mentioned. Some of the names 
are Dutch, others French, others a foreign name 


In 1650 the Assembly revised the act of naturali- 
zation, making the invitation more full, and changing 
the fees to forty shillings to the Governor and ten to 
the Clerk, and giving authority to the government 
to issue the patent. In the revised code of 1705 this 
act is retained. No record is preserved of the patents 
issued under this act. A copy of one is preserved 
in Ilanings, 4th vol. These invitations were not as 
free and full as those made by ^laryland, South Car- 
olina, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania. New York 
gave the greatest encouragement from its first set- 

The first record of permission to preach the gospel 
in Virginia, except according to the forms of the 
Church of England, is found in the records of the 
court of Accomac, in 1699, given to Fiancis Make- 
raie, the father of the Presbyterian Church in North 
America. The promulgation of the Act of Tolera- 
tion, the first act of William and Mary, was delayed 
in Virginia for about ten years. Two trains of cir- 
cumstances induced the Asscml)ly to modify its action 
in respect to rehgion. The first was the coming of 
Presbyterian colonists and ]»rcachers from the mother 
country, who plead the Act of Toleration for their 
protection ; the second, the coming of a colony of 
Huguenots, under the patronage of King William, 
who wished to show some favour to the people by 
whose aid he obtained the crown of Engalnd. Of 
his army of eleven thousand, which sailed from Hol- 
land, three regiments, each containing seven hundred 
and fifty efi:ective men, in all two thousand two bun- 



dred and fifty were Huguenots. To these were added 
a squadron of horse. And about seven hundred offi- 
cers were distributed among tlie other battalions of the 
army. WilUam had no partisans more resolute or 
devoted than the Huguenots. Fifty-four of them 
were in his horse guards, and thirty four in his body 
guards, each burning with desire to overthrow the 
desiscns of Louis XIV. on the crown and kinordom of 
England. A long list of men, high in military and 
civil rank, has been preserved, as soldiers in the army 
of William of Orange, at the head of which was 
Frederic Armaud de Schomberg, the commander of 
the army of invasion or occupation. In gratitude 
to these men, and in sympathy with the great multi- 
tude of their suftering brethren, driven violently from 
their homes and native country, simply for their re- 
ligion, the King invited them to make their home in 
his new dominions. A large number were settled 
in England ; a considerable number took their abode 
in difierent parts of Ireland ; and many turned their 
eyes to America, and sought a home in Virginia. 
Many families took their residence along the Potomac, 
Rappahannock, and James rivers, as their inclinations 
and circumstances prompted. Some families were 
persuaded to take their residence in the wilderness 
frontiers above the falls of James river. The King 
favoured the forming a colony on the lands of the 
extinct Manakin Indians in Hanover, now Powhatan, 
some twenty miles above Richmond. By the close 
of the century, a large number of families were con- 
gregated, and a grant of ten thousand acres was 


made for their use and possession. The exiled pas- 
tor, Claude De Richebourg, came with them, a man 
of great worth, and devoted to the ministry, accord- 
ing to the doctrines and forms of the Reformed 
French Church. 

Pressed by these emigrations, both English and 
French, which were not in connexion with the Church 
of England, the Assembly of Virginia relaxed in 
some measure the strictness of the laws in regard to 
religion. An act of toleration in direct terms was 
not according to the spirit of the colony of the an- 
cient dominion ; neither was a simple announcement 
of the act of King William, with the concurrence 
of the Assembly. But an act w^as passed April, 
1698, ''For the more effectuall suppresdng of Bias- 
phemy, Swearing^ Cursing, Drunkenness, and Sabbath- 
breaking.''^ Its provisions would have satisfied the 
most earnest advocate for promoting public morals 
by law. By the first enactment it was provided : — 
**That if any person or persons, brought up in the 
Christian religion, shall, by writing, printing, teach- 
in ii;, or advisedly speaking, deny the being of a God, 
or the Holy Trinity, or shall assert or maintain there 
are more Gods than one, or shall deny the Christian 
reli,"'ion to be true, or the Holy Scriptures of the Old 
and New Testaments to be of divine authority, and 
thereof lawfully convicted upon indictment, or infor- 
mation, in the general court of his majestie's collony 
and dominion, by the oathes of two or more credible 
witnesses, such person or persons, for the first oftence, 
shall bee adjudged incapable, or disabled in law to all 


intents and purposes whatsoever, to hold and enjoy 
any office and employment, ecclesiastical, civill or 
military, or any part in them, or any profit or advan- 
tage to them appertaining, or any of them." For a 
second oflence the penalty was increased by greater 
disabilities, and by three years imprisonment. By 
the second enactment, cursing, swearing, and getting 
drunk, were punished, each oftence by a line of five 
shillings, or fifty pounds of tobacco. By the third 
enactment, neglecting to attend the parish church at 
least once in two Sabbaths was punishable, on con- 
viction, with a fine of five shillings, or fifty pounds 
of tobacco. 

To these enactments was affixed the proviso: — 
** Provided always that if any person or persons dis- 
senting from the Church of England, being every 
way qualified according to one act of parliament 
made in the first year of the reign of our sovereign 
lord the King, that now is, and the late Queen Mary 
of blessed memory, entitled an act for exempting 
their majesties' Protestant subjects, dissenting from 
the Church of England, from the penaltyes of cer- 
tain laws, shall resort and meet at any congregation, 
or place of religious worship, permitted or allowed 
by the said act of parliament, once in two months, 
that then the said penaltyes and forfeitures imposed 
by the act for neglecting, or refusing, to resort to 
their parrish church or chappel as aforesaid, shall not 
be taken to extend to such person or persons, any 
thing in this act to the contrary, notwithstanding." 
Quahfied dissenters were exempt from penalties by 


this proviso ; but no information was given in the 
enactment to an enquiry, where and how the qnahti- 
cations to satisfy the law and escape the penalties 
could be obtained. That was left to his discretion. 

In the revised code of 1705, this law was amended 
so as to read: ''That if any person, being of the 
age of twenty-one years or upwards, shall wilfully 
absent him, or herself, from divine service, at his or 
her parish church, or chapel, the space of one month, 
(except, as is excepted in an act of parliament, passed 
in the first year of King William and Queen Mary, 
entituled, An Act for exempting their majestys' Pro- 
testant subjects, dissenting from the Church of Eng- 
land, from the penalties of certain laws;) and shall 
not, when there, in a decent and orderly manner, 
continue till the said service is ended," &c. On this 
parenthesis Davies and his successors obtained leave 
to serve congregations in Virginia, and have houses 
built for their convenience of worship. 

This proviso and parenthesis were considered enough 
for the English emigrants and the French families, 
settled along the river banks of the ancient dominion. 
The young colony of Huguenots, commencing at 
Manakin town, obtained greater favour. In 1700, 
to satisfy these desirable colonists, the Assemby de- 
creed: ** Whereas, a considerable number of French 
Protestant refugees have been lately imported into 
his majesty's colony and dominions, severall of which 
refugees have seated themselves above tlie falls of 
James River, at, or near to, a place commonly called 
and known by the name of Manakin towne, for the 


encouragement of said refugees to settle and remain 
together, as near as may be to the said Manakln 
towne, and the parts adjacent, shall be accounted and 
taken for inhabitants of a distinct parish by them- 
selves ; and the land which they now do and shall 
hereafter possess, at, or adjacent, to the said Mana- 
kin towne, shall be, and is hereby declared to be a 
parish of itselfe, distinct from any other parish, to be 
called and known by the name of King William 
Parish, in the county of Henrico, and not lyable to 
the payment of parish levies in any other parish 
whatsoever. And be it further enacted : That such 
and so many of the said refugees, as are already set- 
tled, or shall hereafter settle themselves as inhabitants 
of the said parish, at the Manakin towne, and the 
parts adjacent, shall, themselves and their familyes, 
and every of them, be free and exempted from the 
payment of public and county levies for the space of 
seven years next, ensuing from the publication of 
this act, any law, statute, custom or usage to the con- 
trary in any wise notwithstanding." 

In the revised code of 1705, there is added a pro- 
viso, ** Provided always that the allowance settled by 
law for a minister's maintainance shall not be con- 
strued to extend to the minister of the said parish of 
King William, but that the inhabitants of the said 
parish are hereby intended to be left at their own lib- 
erty to agree with and pay their minister as their 
circumstances will admit." 

The first act of toleration was intended for one 
colony of Huguenots. Some of its provisions were 


limited in time, and others were expressed in very 
indefinite language. These colonists were Presbyte- 
rian in their forms of worship, and in the govern- 
ment of the Church, and in the order of their clergy ; 
in the articles of belief, they followed their renowned 
countryman, John Calvin. Makemie, the first Pres- 
byterian minister licensed by law to preach the gospel, 
spoke English ; and was compelled to pay tithes to 
the established Church. Claude Phillippi De Kiche- 
bourg, the first minister at Man akin town, was a 
Presbyterian, spoke French, and paid no tithes. 
Makemie claimed citizenship as a natural born Eng- 
lish subject of the English crown. Kichebourg, in 
1702, in company with Francis Rabot, Peter Faurr, 
John Joanny, James Champaigne, and others, ob- 
tained their right of citizenship by act of Assembly. 
The favour of the Assembly was shown particularly 
to the foreign colonists on the river James. 

No other acts of toleration were passed until the 
American revolution had prepared the way for gene- 
ral and mutual toleration in religious forms and wor- 
ship, the mass of the State recognizing the Christian 
religion as the foundation of all acceptable worship, 
in whatever denominational form it may be ofiered. 

Beverly, in his history of Virginia, says: **The 
French refugees, sent in thither by the charitable ex^ 
hibition of his late majesty King William, are natur- 
alized by a particular law for that purpose." By his 
construction the words, ** and others," in the act for 
Kichebourg and his four companions c(mii)rehended 
the whole settlement at or near Manakin towns. 


Beverly goes on to say: **In the year 1699, there 
went over about three hundred of these, and in the 
year following about two hundred, and so on until 
their arrived in all between seven and eight hundred 
men, women and children, who had fled from France 
on account of their religion. Those who went over 
the first year were advised to seat on a very rich piece 
of land about twenty miles above the falls of James 
river, on the south side of the river, which land was 
formerly the seat of a great and war-like nation of 
Indians, called Monacans, none of which are now left 
in these parts ; but the land still retains their name, 
and is called the Monacan town. The refugees that 
arrived the second year, went also to the Monacan 
town, but afterwards, upon some disagreement, sev- 
ral dispersed themselves up and down the country ; 
and those that have arrived since have followed their 
example, except some few that likewise settled at 
Monacan town. The Assembly was very bountiful 
to those that remained at this town, bestowing on 
them large donations of money and provisions for 
their support. They likewise freed them from every 
public tax for several years to come, and addressed 
the Governor to grant them a brief, to entitle them 
to the charity of all well disposed persons throughout 
the country, which, together with the King's benevo- 
lence, supported them very comfortably till they could 
sufficiently supply themselves with necessaries, which 
they now do indifferently well, and have stocks of 
cattle, which are said to give abundance more milk 
than any other in the country. In the year 1702 


they began an essay of wine, which they made of the 
wild grapes gathered in the woods, the effect of which 
was strong bodied claret of good flavour. I heard a 
gentleman, who tasted it, give it great commendation. 
I have heard that these people are upon the design of 
getting into the breed of buffaloes, to which end they 
lay in wait for their calves, that they may tame and 
raise a stock of them, in which, if they succeed, it 
will in all probability be greatly for their advantage ; 
for these are much larger than other cattle, and have 
the benefit of being natural to the climate. They 
now make their own clothes, and are resolved, as 
soon as they have improved that manufacture, to 
apply themselves to the making of wine and brandy, 
which they do not doubt to bring to perfection.'* 

The efforts of these colonists to introduce the pro- 
ductions and manufactures of France on the extreme 
frontier of Virginia met with insurmountable diffi- 
culties. Their necessities compelled them to engage 
in those agricultural persuits that most readily sup- 
plied their pressing wants. Their surplus productions 
brought from foreign countries the manufactures, they 
proposed, more cheaply and readily than they could 
prepare them in their isolated situation on the James. 

Of the ten thousand acres granted for the encour- 
agement of the colony, five thousand were laid off, 
under the superintendence of Robert Boiling, and 
occupied by the emigrants. Reports respecting the 
softer soil and milder climate of North Carolina were 
welcomed by many of these emigrants, whose pro- 
perty had been consumed or greatly lessened by their 


flight from France, their wandering in Europe, and 
voyage to America, and whose desires to introduce 
the productions of France had been disappointed ; 
and notwithstanding the encouragements given by 
the Governor and Council of Virginia, emigration 
from Virginia to North Carohna commenced. A 
visitor writes from North Carohna in 1708 : *^Most 
of the French, who Hved at that town on James 
river, removed to Trent river in North Carohna, 
where the rest were expected daily to come to them 
when I came away." Other emigrants from Europe 
came to Virginia, and sought a home at the Manakin 
town settlement; and in 1710 the Governor and 
Council, on the petition of Abraham Taller and Rev- 
erend Claude Phillippi De Richebourg, directed the 
surveyor of Henrico county to. lay off the remaining 
five thousand acres of the original grant of ten thou- 
sand, and so to divide it into lots that each heritor 
should receive one hundred and thirty acres as their 
portion. They also directed that those who had 
always remained at Manakin town should have pre- 
cedence in choice of lots thus laid out, or parts of 
lots, to make that already possessed one hundred and 
thirty-three acres ; and should cast lots for the choice ; 
and that those who had come since the settlement, 
and always remained, should have second choice, 
also by lot ; and that those who left, and again re- 
turned, should have the third choice. Colonel Wil- 
liam Randolph and Mr. Richard Cock were author- 
ized to hear and decide upon any difficulties that 
might arise in the allotment of the land. 


Some difficulties having arisen respecting the pas- 
tor Richebourg, he left the colony of Manakin town, 
and accompanied by his friends, removed to Trent 
river, in North CaroHna. Disturbed by the inroads 
of the Indians, the emigrants removed once more, 
and sought and found an abiding place with their 
brethren in South Carolina. 

The pastor Richebourg closed his laborious and 
adventurous life in South Carohna, having by his 
example of suftering patience encouraged the refugees 
to bear bravely their lot. llis life in America was 
filled with labour, and toils, and poverty, and hope, 
and faith, and charity. His will, written in French, 
is preserved in the archieves of Charleston. 

The colonists that remained at Manakin town, dis- 
appointed in their efforts to introduce the manufac- 
tures and productions of France, conformed their 
labours to the soil and climate and condition of a 
frontier settlement ; and went on increasing and mul- 
tiplying, and subduing the earth, according to the 
conuiiand of God iji Eden. The ten thousand acres 
were soon too few for this enterprising people. They 
lengthened their cords and strengtliened their stakes, 
and soon began to emigrate to portions of the unoc- 
cupied wilderness in Virginia. Goochland, and Flu- 
vanna, and Louisa, and Albemarle, and J^uckingham, 
and l^owhatan, and Chesterfield, and l^-ince Edward, 
and Cumberland, and (charlotte, and Appomattox, 
and Campbell, and Pittsylvania, and Halifax, and 
Mecklenburg, all gave these emigrants a home. And 
then county after county, and State after State, to 


the west and south, beckoned them on ; and they 
went on and grew, and multiplied according to the 
blessing of Jacob on Joseph's children. Go over 
Virginia and ask for the descendants of those Hugue^ 
not families, that cast their lot, on their first landing, 
among the English neighbourhoods, and as speedily 
as possible conformed to the political usages of the 
colony, and adopted the English language, and by 
interrnarriage were soon commingled with English 
society; and then follow the colonists of Manakin 
town, as they more slowly assimulated with the Eng- 
lish ; and number those that by direct descent, or by 
intermarriage, have Huguenot blood in their veins, 
and the list will swell to an immense multitude. The 
influence which these descendents of the French ref- 
ugees have had, and still exercise, in the formation 
and preservation of the character of the State and 
the nation, has unostentatiously and widely extended. 
Had geneological records of all the families of 
Virginia, from its first settlement to the present day, 
been made full, and carefully preserved, there would 
be materials in abundance for the most interesting 
philosophical enquiries and deductions. These re- 
cords, if complete, would present, besides the usual 
memoranda of birth, marriage, and death in families, 
a brief statement, in connexion with every marriage, 
of the general appearance of each party ; the height, 
weight, shape, colour of the skin, hair, eyes, and the 
size of the hmbs, especially of the hands and feet ; 
together with the characteristics of mind, and the 
moral and relidous habits. To which should be 


added, at the close of their lives, the occupation they 
had followed, and the climate and soil to which they 
had been accustomed in life ; with their general health, 
and the causes and circumstances of their death, and 
their domestic habits. Or had but a portion of the 
families of the different races of people, that have 
been amalgamated in Virginia, preserved such mem- 
oranda ; or had such geneological tables as have been 
pi'eserved by a few families of every race, confined 
as they are in their details, been more generally kept, 
philosophical enquiries of a personal and national 
character might now be, with great safety, carried 
to a great extent of exactness and usefulness. Causes 
of individual longevity or shortlivedness, of success 
or ill success in life, of strength or weakness of bod}^ 
of enterprise or imbecility, of the increase of fami- 
lies, of the extinction of families or of family names, 
of the alternate increase and diminution of families, 
of the prevalence of mental and bodily habits, of the 
descent of peculiar talents, or of strength or weak- 
ness of mind. All these enquiries involve personal 
and domestic happiness and general good ; for all 
these, with other matters worthy ot investigation, 
have been united in forming the tone of manners, 
the private life and public bearing of the great and 
beloved State of Virginia, and that of the South- 
ern States. Some English families have preserved 
the geneological line of their descent, together with 
much particular information. The same has been 
done by some of the Scotch and Scotch-Irish families 
that have been mingled in great numbers with the 


Virginia population. The Germans have some such 
data in their extensive neighbourhoods, in the moun- 
tains and valleys of the ancient Dominion. The 
refugees from France have not been entirely neglect- 
ful of these memoranda, full of instruction to their 
descendants and the public generally, and of lasting 
importance in the philosophical and political inquiries. 
By the statute law of Virginia, in force as long as 
a form of religion was estal)lished by law in the State, 
each parish was required to keep a register of births, 
baptisms, and deaths, accruing within its bounds. 
Marriages were registered by the county court. From 
fragments of the parish register of King William, 
(Manakin town,) kept in French, extending from the 
year 1721 to the year 1754, together with fragments 
of the list of titheables, about the year 1744^ the 
following names have been gathered, of families 
forming Manakin town settlement, or King William 
Parish, viz: Morriset, Chastain, David, Guerrant, 
Goury, Gilmer, Maubain, Dupree, Monford, Dupuy, 
Dykar, Gore, Sall6 Soblet, Alligree, Martain, Vil- 
lain, Trabu, Samson, Chambon, Billebo, Girardon, 
Dubruil, Benin, Souillie, Pouviene, Prot, Lesueur, 
Pero, Eapins, Faure, False, Levellan, Legrand, Flour- 
noy, Lansdon, Capon, Sassain, Sabattie, Mallet, 
Amonet, Bernard, Porter, Witt, Scot, Edmon, Rob- 
inson, Dickins, Stanford, Duta^, Louadon, Smith, 
Forqueran, Chaveron, Apperson, Brj^ers, Bondurant, 
Kobert, Taller, Bingly, Gose, Woolding, Elson, To- 
mas, Solaigre, Bantan, Pene, Don, Parrat, Wevor, 
Chandler, Wattkins, Hamden, Lory, Godse, Kempe, 


Howard, Cocke, Pemberton, Harris, Sliepard, Sum- 
ter, Esly, Amis, Ayer, Butler, (Ayse) Kemp, Garner, 
Benni Orrlnge, Drovven, Ominet, Sullevant, Pankey, 
Robin, Trent, Gory, Baigley, Deen, Guettle, Jordin. 
To tbese may be added the names of French minis- 
ters tliat served them for a space of time in succes- 
sion: De Richebourg, the two Messrs. Fontaine, 
Fine, Neirn, Taler, Marye, and Gavain. These 
families emigrated from Manakin town, in succession ; 
and at the beginning of this century had all found 
homes in other places, where larger farms could be 
obtained at more favourable prices, and a wider field 
of enterprise was opened before them. 

A large number of Huguenot families came to 
Virginia that never had any connexion, but sympathy, 
with, the colony of Manakin town. These were scat- 
tered over the province, principally east of the Blue- 
ridge, and along the navigable rivers, particularly the 
Potomac, Rappahannock, and the James. These fam- 
ilies more speedily intermingled and coalesced with 
the English, adopting their language and habits of 
life. Their names received the English form by 
a change in orthrogrophy, or by translations ; and at 
this lime their origin is discovered only by old patents 
and deeds, or genealogical memoranda, preserved in 
Bibles or family papers, as curiosities. The number 
of such families cannot be readily ascertained. But 
enough is known to warrant the conclusion that the 
number of those who chose to intermingle with the 
English colonists directly was greater than that of 
those who were induced by the love of French things 


to attempt, by a colony, to preserve French habits 
and their beloved language. The absorption and 
amalgamation of races [>resent subjects of philosophic 
enquiry of the greatest interest, in which almost all 
the families of Virginia are involved. 



Some memoranda of Huguenot families that emigrated to 

SOME families have preserved memoranda of their 
origin, and the circumstances of the escape of 
their ancestors from France. The traditions of others 
have lost their exactness ; and by degrees, the knowl- 
edge of their ancestors has become to many in Vir- 
ghiia, dreamlike. The mass of people have been 
satisfied with the belief that their ancestors were 
honourable, and came, some from England, some 
from Scotland and Ireland, and some from France. 
The French language having passed out of use in 
domestic Ufe for a century and a quarter, or more ; 
and domestic records to keep up the family feeling 
and knowledge, not to be found ; and a volume of 
history that should contain the necessary information, 
not having been prepared ; many families of Hugue- 
not descent have lost the knowledge of their ancestry 
in all its interesting particulars. 

A few collections, from families from difterent parts 
of the State arc here presented, to give a specimen 
of what took place in the exile and emigration of the 
whole body of exiles whose children are in Vir- 


1st. Abraham Micheaux and Susannah Rochette. 
From the memoranda preserved by M'me. Patty Ven- 
able, theh^ great-grand-child, from the oft repeated 
traditions of her grandmother, their daughter, who 
was an emigrant. The originals are with Dr. Vena- 
ble of Prince Edward, Virginia. 

The family of Rochette lived in Sedan, in the north- 
eastern part of France, a place noted for its manufac- 
ture of iron, and for the seminary of the Reformed 
for the instruction of youth. There were three 
daughters, of which Susannah was the youngest. At 
the revocation of the Edict oflSTantes, 1685, the eldest 
daughter was about sixteen years of age. Accord- 
ing to the oppressive orders of the King, she had 
been examined three times by the Romish priests or 
government officials, to find some cause for sending 
her to the Romish schools, or bring some charge 
against her or her parents. Her father sent her with 
a neice, who had an infant child, on the way to a 
seaport, to embark for Holland as a place of refuge. 
They were conducted by men, dressed in women's 
clothes, called Night- Walkers. On the journey, while 
crossing in the night a small stream at a mill, the 
mother stumbled on some rocks and the child cried. 
Some soldiers stationed at the mill were aroused, *'and 
nine lusty fellows stepped forth and captured the 
females, and conducted them to prison." The father 
was permitted to take his daughter home ; the niece 
was retained in prison, and every morning was required 
to walk the streets near the prison, exposed to the 

ridicule and scoffs of the people, as a punishment for 



attempting to leave the country. Her husband had 
sometime before gone to Holland, under the pretence 
of seeking employ as a ship carpenter. 

Mr. Rochette, after paying various sums of money 
to obtain peace, made an attempt to send his two elder 
daughters to Holland. On their way to the sea-shore, 
the younger was taken sick, and lay for some time 
at a small hotel. Hearing her cough frequently, 
some soldiers inquired about tlie strangers, if they 
were Huguenots, and were answered, that there was 
a very sick person in the house, who must not be dis- 
turbed. On her recovery, the two sisters escaped to 
Holland, and found a home in Amsterdam, where 
great exertions were made for the comfort of refu- 
gees. After some time these sisters wrote to their 
father to send them ''the little night-cap" left behind 
when they left Sedan, meaning their youngest sister, 
Susannah, whose name tlioy feared to mention, lest 
if the letter was interce[>ted, their father might suffer 
for it. After various efforts to send *'the little night- 
cap," she was enclosed in a hogshead labelled as con- 
taining goods, and delivered to a sea-captain friendly 
to the family and to the attempt to escape. After 
leaving the harbour, and getting beyond the guard 
vessels that were set to search every vessel leaving the 
port, to api>rehend all fugitives, she was set free from 
her confinement and reached her sisters in safety. 

The father contrived to visit his daughters in Am- 
sterdam, and finding his children were using the 
cheapest black bread in the country, he said plea- 
santly, *'If I were choosing a stone, I would take 


the wliitest." The mother also made them a visit, 
carrying in her hair some money with which she 
purchased for them silks and other fine dresses. **I 
have often heard," says Mrs. Venable, ** about my 
great-grandmother, the little Night-Cap, that she often 
cried when she ate the black bread, and called to 
mind how spoiled she had been in her father's house ; 
that there she would not eat bread that had been bro- 
ken ; and that her mother would tell her she might 
see the day when she would be glad to get it ; that 
often while at home she would exchange her white 
bread with the poor people in the streets for their 
brown bread, but was greatly grieved when she was 
by necessity compelled to eat it daily. 

The two elder sisters married and removed to the 
West Indies. The youngest, Susannah, married 
Abraham Micheaux, who was a refugee for his relig- 
ion, and remained some years in Holland. He made 
gauze, and she made lace, for which there was a 
demand and a ready sale, and the profits sustained 
the family, and by economy, enabled them to lay by 
in store. When the attention of the refugees was 
turned to Virginia by the encouragement offered by 
King William, Abraham Micheaux prepared to embark 
with his wife and six children, for America. He 
landed in Stafford County, Virginia, on the banks of 
the Potomac river. There he remained a short time. 
Jacob, the eldest son, having learned to work in tin 
and iron, went among the phuiters and repaired their 
domestic implements, making a profitable business. 
In a year or two the family removed to Manakin town 


on the James river, to join the colony. At first the 
older settlers objected to the new comers having equal 
pri\dleges with those who had formed the colony. 
The Legislature of the province decided the difficulty, 
giving equal shares of land, but allowing the older 
settlers the right of choice. The oldest son, Jacob 
Micheaux, declined settling in that colony, and took 
up land on the James river at a place now known as 
Micheaux's ferry. The property is still in the hands 
of his descendants. 

Abraham Micheaux and his wife, Susannah, reared 
twelve children ; four sons, Jacob, John, James, Paul 
and Abraham, who was killed by the Indians while a 
young man ; and seven daughters ; Jane who married 
a Legrand ; Nannie never married ; Susannah, a 
(Jainn ; Judith a Morgan ; Elizabeth, Sanborne 
Woodson ; Agnes, Richard Woodson ; and Esther, a 
Cunningham. Jacob married Judith Woodson, and 
had four children, Jacob, Joseph, Elizabeth and 
Judith ; from this last Jacob, the grandson of Abra- 
ham, are descended all that bare the Micheaux name 
in Virginia. 

The female descendants of this large family reared 
families whose daughters intermarried with fam- 
ilies that have multiplied exceedingly ; their descend- 
ants are to be found in Virginia in great numbers, 
and in Kentucky, and the more Western and South- 
ern States, in all the difibrent professions and honour- 
able occupations of life, as physicians, ministers of 
the gospel, lawyers, merchants, baid<: officers, mili- 
tary men, planters and farmers. With this family 


it is necessary to connect three others, the Venable, 
the Morton, and the Watkins, all becoming first con- 
nected with this family by intermarrying with the 
grand daughters who bore the name of Woodson. 
These will be noticed in order. 

2d. The Venable family. The ancestors of this 
family went from New Roaen, in Normandy in 
France, where there is a town called Venables to 
this day. He accompanied William the Conqueror, 
was at the battle of Hastings ; and settled under 
Hugh Lupus, in the county Palatinate of Cluster, 
and was one of the Palatine Barons of the county. 
About the close of the seventeenth century, two bro- 
thers, the younger branches of the family, Abraham 
and Joseph Venables, emigrated to America. They 
were both Presbyterians in their principles. They 
parted when within the Capes of the Chesapeake ; Jos- 
eph went to the colony of Lord Baltimore, and settled 
at Snow Hill, Somerset county, accepted the terms of 
his toleration, and established a place of worship on 
his land. He sat, under the ministry of Francis 
Makemie, at whose request a license was given for 
the house of worship on Joseph Venables' land. 
After the lapse of more than a century and a half 
the Presl)yterian Church still prospers at Suow Hill. 
The other brother, Abraham, went up James river, 
settled in Hanover county, now Fluvanna, married a 
widow lady, whose maiden name was Mildred Lewis. 
He left one son, who bore his father's name, Abraham 
Venable, dropping the s from his name. He married 
a Miss Davies, of Augusta county, one of a numer- 


ous famil}% who mostly removed to Kentucky iu its 
early settlement. This Abraham Venable reared 
eight children ; the sons were Abraham, Nathaniel, 
James, Charles, 'WiHiam, Lewis ; from whom all the 
Venable families in Virginia are descended. The 
daughters were Mrs. Moormans, Mrs. King, and 
Mrs. Morton. Nathaniel married Elizabeth Wood- 
son, and thus became connected with the Micheaux 
family. She was a woman of great mental and phy- 
sical endowments, and reared her numerous family 
with a high sense of morality, religion, and honour. 
His descendants by the male and female lines, are 
very numerous in Virginia, and also in Tennessee. 

3d. The Morton family. This family is reckoned of 
English origin, though the name pohits to Scotland. 
Their lirst residence in Virginia was in Orange county. 
Active and enterprising, and remarkable for their 
probity and kindness, two of the young men were 
employed by the Eandol[)h family to locate and sur- 
vey their large grant of lands on the branches of the 
Roanoke. These two married, each, a granddaugh- 
ter of Abraham and Susannah Micheaux ; and with 
two others of the name of Morton, (not brothers, but 
connexions,) settled on the Roanoke waters, in the 
present counties of Charlotte and Prince Edward, 
Joseph Morton married Agnes Woodson, daughter 
of Richard Woodson, and took his abode at a place 
still known as Little Roanoke Bridge. The other, 
John Morton,- married Elizabeth, the daughter of San- 
borne Woodson. This lamily was attached to Rev. 
Samuel Davies' ministry. A son of this man. Cap- 


tain Jonii Morton, took Mr. Davies, in one of his 
preaching excursions, to the house of his relative and 
connexion, Joseph Morton, at the Bridge. Religious 
services were held in the evening for the family and 
a few neighbours that were invited to join in the 
worship. A part of the result of that evening's ser- 
vice was the hopeful conversion of Mrs. Morton, and 
abiding serious impressions on the husband. Mrs. 
Morton, a woman of marked character and great 
influence, became an active Christian. She and lier 
husband took the lead in the formation of the little 
band of hopeful converts, under the preaching of 
Davies and his coadjutors in that neighl)Ourhood, into 
a church connexion, by the name of Briery Church. 

The Morton families were prolific, and the children, 
carefully instructed in religion and led on by exam- 
ple, became, like their parents, professing members 
of the church. The influence is not yet lost on their 

5th. The Watkins family. From memoranda by 
F. N". Watkins. This family was of Welsh descent. 
A number of the name emigrated to Virginia. Two 
brothers settled, one near Richmond, and the other 
on the Rapphannock, where the frontiers of the State 
commenced at the head of tide water. From the 
loss, or omission in the making of genealogical mem- 
oranda, the descendants of those brothers, and others 
of the name, cannot be distinctly traced. There was 
a Watkins among the colonists at Manakin town. 
Mr. F. N. Watkins traces with distinctness his des- 
cent from Thomas Watkins, of Swift Creek, in Row- 


hatan county, through his eldest son Thomas, of 
Chickahominy. Francis, the second son of this 
Thomas, married Agnes Woodson, daughter of Rich- 
ard Woodson, and granddaughter of Abraham Mi- 
cheaux. From this branch of the Watkins family 
have arisen numerous families, both in Virginia and 
Kentucky. The intermarriages with the Venables 
and Mortons have been frequent, particularly those 
of the Micheaux- Woodson stock ; and many other 
names have been added to the family tree. 

These three families — the Venable, Morton, and 
Watkins — have pa,rtaken largely of the spirit of the 
Woodson-Micheaux mothers, whose memories are 
carefully cherished for their moral worth, and domes- 
tic virtues, and elevated spirit. These families have 
preserved genealogical memoranda to a larger extent 
than is usual. Some of the names of families con- 
nected by marriage, are Legrand, a Huguenot name, 
Quinn, Morgan, Cunningham, Daniel, Mosby, Smith, 
Lockett, Womack, Wilson, Reed, Archer Walthall, 
Mason, Swann, Matthews, Hill, Scott, Kilpatrick, 
Rice, Whary, Leach, Shepherdson, Carrington, An- 
derson, Moorman, King, Nance, Hughes, McNutt, 
Leigan, Martin, Cocke, Comfort, Gaines, Williams, 
Calhoun, Norvall, Spencer, Abbot, Sayle, Cochran, 
Hanna, Canfield, Chase, Flournoy, Robards, Wood, 
Branch, Haze. 

All these families took an active part in the Revo- 
lutionary war, and have a name and a place among 
the patriots of those days. They formed a part of 
that constituency of whom John Randolph of Boa- 


noke was so proud: '* a constituency with whom I 
have gi'own up — whose fathers I knew, and who knew 
me from a child, — a constituency such as no other 
man ever had ;" a constituency that gloried in him 
as an incorruptible patriot, though an excentric man. 
These, with other families of similar origin, whose 
geneology has not been preserved, or not yet come to 
light, together with the Scotch-Irish colony on Buf- 
faloe Creek, in Prince Edward, with their preacher, 
Mr. Saiiky, and the one on Ceel Creek, in Charlotte, 
took an active part in forming those Presbyterian 
congregations that have increased and multiplied in 
that region of country. It has not been the lot of 
every emigrant, how^ever pious and devoted to a 
Godly life, to be followed with such a numerous 
company of descendants as the ** Little Night-cap,"* 
whose sufferings, like many other Huguenots, began 
when a child. 

5th. The Dupuy family. The Dupuy family held 
an honourable position in the history of France. 
Hugo Dupuy, a chevalier of Dauphiny, joined the 
crusaders for the recovery of the Holy Land, taking 

* There is some discrepancy in the traditions of the different 
branches of the Micheaux descendants respecting Susannah Ro- 
chette. Was she the second or third daughter of the family ? and 
were the terms, •* Little Night-cap," and the "leaving France in 
a hogshead." to be attributed to the same person; or did one be- 
long to the second, and one to the third daughter ? The decision 
of these questions is of little consequence, as the escaping from 
France in a hogshead was not an uncommon event ; and the using 
terms for names was, in correspondence, of frequent occurrence. 
The meaning to be conveyed is, that great difficulties attended 
their escape, and great address was necessary to overcome them. 



with him his three sons. Adolphe, the eldest son, 
fell in battle ; Romaiue, the second son, died in pos- 
session of the 'briefs he held through Godfrey Bouil- 
lon; Eaymond, the third son, succeeded Girard De 
Martigues as rector of the Hospital of St. John of 
Jerusalem, and was the first who assumed the title of 
Grand Master of the Knightshospital of St. John of 
Jerusalem. The shield they bore to Palestine was 
adorned with a red Hon, with a blue tongue and claws, 
upon a field of gold. The shield of the knights was 
a cross of silver upon a red field. Raymond took for 
his shield the two quartered, two lions and two crosses. 
The descendants maintained the honourable position 
of their ancestors. 

In consequence of the rigour preceding and accom- 
panying the revocation of the Edict of Fantes, 
Bartholomew Dupuy fied from France, and in the 
beginning of the eighteenth century, emigrated to 
Virginia, and made part of the colony of Manakin 
town. He was born in the year 1650. He became 
a soldier at 18 years of age, and served fourteen 
years. In that time he was in fourteen pitched bat- 
tles, in Flanders; was promoted to be Lieutenant, 
and transferred to the household guards of Louis 
XIV. He was often sent on important business that 
required the signature of the King as his authority. 
One of those signatures was the means of his escape, 
when forced to make his choice, between abjuring 
his religion, great bodily suti:ering, perhaps death, or 
flight from his native land. 


About the year 1682 he retired from the service, 
purchased a vineyard, and was married to Susannah 
Lavillon, a young countess of good standing in soci- 
ety, possessed of a villa, and of the Huguenot faith. 
In leaving the army temporarily, he did not lose the 
favour of the King ; nor by his religion, the regard 
of the Romish priest, the cure of the parish. Before 
the Edict of iTantes was issued, a messenger of the 
King waited on him with information of what was 
preparing for the Huguenots, and urged him to abjure 
his religion, and rely on the favour of the King for 
future promotion. After sometime the cur6 of the 
parish came with a company of six armed men. At 
the sight of armed men, Bartholomew drew his sword 
and resented the intrusion. The priest entreated him 
to forbear ; that resistance would be vain, as other 
forces would come if necessary ; and besought him 
to be reconciled to the Romish church. After some 
earnest discussion with the priest, he asked for a little 
time to reflect upon the whole matter, affirming 
that his decision should be speedily made known. 
The priest assented to the proposition, and the sol- 
diers left him towards evening. He immediately sent 
for his tailor, and inquired if he could make a hand- 
some suit for his vallet in six hours. He assented 
that it might be done. And be kept private ? The 
tailor, accustomed to such orders, asserted that that 
also could be done. By midnight the clothes were 
brought, and an extra price paid for the neatness and 
celerity of the job. His young and handsome vrife 
was attired in tjie new dress, with a riding cloak and 


cap ; and he put on his best military dress ; and choos- 
ing his two best horses, before the day dawned they 
were far on their journey to the borders, taking their 
money and jewelry, with their Bibles and Psalm 
books and a few articles of dress. For eighteen days 
the ofticer and his vallet pursued their journey with 
great speed. Frequently interrogated about his busi- 
ness and speed, he replied that he was on important 
business that demanded haste ; and when more par- 
ticularly pressed, he added that he had the King's 
orders in his pocket. As he approached the borders, 
the interrogatories were more frequent and pressing, 
and were answered with the polite brevity of a cour- 
tier that was annoyed by any continued famiharity. 
On the last day, the guard stationed to arrest all 
refugees, roughly bid him stop, and demanded his 
passport. Drawing the King's order from his pocket, 
he exposed the King's signature and seal, and then, 
drawing his sword, fiercely demanded why his pro- 
gress was impeded. The guard hastily made way 
for him to proceed. His vallet frequently attracted 
the attention of the soldiers and officers as they passed, 
and received compliments, and sometimes inuendos, 
for gracefulness and beauty. After passing the last 
guard in France, they rode on with the utmost speed 
till they were assured of being beyond the power of 
Louis XTV. ; then dismounting, they sat down, and 
embraced each other, and wept, and prayed, and sang 
the 40th Psalm: **I waited patiently for the Lord, 
and He inclined unto me and heard my cry ; He 
brought me up also out of an horrible pit, out of the 


miry clay, and set my feet upon a rock and establish- 
ed, my goings." 

In what manner he employed himself the fourteen 
years he remained in Germany, is not recorded. In 
1699 he went to England upon the public invitation 
of King William III. promising to refugee emigrants 
to the colonies, a free passage, and freedom of reli- 
gion. About the year 1700 he joined the colony of 
Manakin town on the banks of the James river, and 
there ended his days. His descendants in the male 
and female line are very numerous. The sword he 
used while a soldier in the service of Louis XIY. is 
still preserved by his descendants. It was worn by 
Captain James Dupuy, of Fottoway, in the Eevolu- 
tionary War, in which he and his two brothers, 
Captain John Dupuy, and -Lieutenant Peter Dupuy,' 
served faithfully. In the battle of Guilford the Cap' 
tain used the sword, and he replaced the ancient, worn 
out scabbard by one picked up on the field of battle. 
The blade of the sword, according to the fashion of 
the times, was straight, about three feet in length, 
triangular in shape, very strong at the hilt, and taper- 
mg regularly to the point. On his death-bed the 
Captain addressed a young grandson, John James 
Dupuy, son of Dr. Wm. J. Dupuy of Petersburg, 
" Take my old sword there, make use of it in a good 
cause only ; it has never been drawn in a bad one 
Fight for your country and your faith ; So God shall 
bless you." 

-In the war of 1812," writes a descendant of Lieu-^ 
tenant Peter Dupuy, in the year 1864, - their descend- 


ants bore honourable parts in the service of their 
country, and in the present struggle almost every male 
descendant of proper age and physical ability, cer- 
tainly every descendant of my father are engaged in 
their country's service, save two noble youths who 
lost their lives ; one, the late Col. Robert McKinney 
was killed at the head of his regiment at Dam No. 1, 
near Lee's mill, on the Peninsula, April 16th 1862 ; 
the other, David Bridges, who, after going through 
Jackson's campaign in the Valley, participating in the 
battles before Richmond, Fredericksburg and Chan- 
cellorsville, in which latter sanguinary engagement, 
he continued at his post, though much too sick to 
be out of bed, until victory crowned our standard, 
and then when completely exhausted, was brought 
home to die among his owji family. Several of the 
other boys have been wounded, but are all at their 
posts again." 

*'In regard to the descendants of the Huguenots 
I do not speak thus of my family only, I am yet to 
learn of the first one ever having been arraigned at the 
bar of justice on a charge of any felonious character. 
This is very remarkable when it is known that the 
original settlers, (of Manakin town,) included Nobil- 
ity, Gentry and Peasantry. Please excuse the seeming 
egotism of this note which I have spun out much 
longer than I designed . 

Most respectfully yours, 

Names of some of the families connected by mar- 
raige with the Dupuy family. Osborne, Johns, Pat- 


terson, Marshall, Epes, Jeter, Barksdale, Knight, 
Blanche, Lavalette, Cooper, Patterson, Taliaferro, 
Bridges, McKinney, Atchison, Foster, Gozee, Bran- 
nies, Ratcliff, Caldwell, Dodge, Elley, Corley, Tucker, 
Owen, Smith, Easer, Kowzee, Eichardson, Fields, 
Wadely, Shannon, N'ewton, Davidson, Eoss, Davies, 
Togg, Snead, Thomason, Eedman, Hayson, Buckner, 
Suggell, Campbell, Bosey, McClure, Brinker, Prior, 
Thomas, Deane, Branham, Allen, Eowland, Terry, 
Major, Gunnell, Clarkson, Hatcher, Filman, Lewellen, 
Johns, Sutton, Clayton, Mintur and Gow. 

6th. The Fontaine and Maury families. James 
Fontaine, the head of the American branches of the 
two families — Fontaine and Maury — never saw Amer- 
ica. After being compelled to leave France, and 
spend his life in exile in the kingdon of Great Brit- 
ian, he collected with much care the incidents of the 
family history, for the advantage of his children, 
having an especial regard to those who emigrated to 
America. The memoranda are of facts of family 
history, and of circumstances common to all the suf- 
fering and exiled Huguenots, but not recorded by any 
emigrants to Argierica. He is authority for the state- 
ments, given either in his own words, or in an abridged 

His father's grandfather was born about the year 
1500. At a very early period of his life he received 
a commission in the * * Ordinnances du Eoi," in the 
household of Francis I. , about the tenth or twelth 
year of that monarch's reign. He retained his office 
through the reign of that monarch, of Henry II. , 


and of Francis 11. In the second year of Charles 
IX. he resigned his commission, and retired to his 
paternal estate, in Maine, with a wife and four sons. 
He and his father were converts to the doctrines and 
practice of the Reformed as early as the year 1535. 
They felt themselves safe in the King's service, and 
under the edict of pacification, of 1561. 

In the year 1563, a band of ruffians, in order to 
scatter a congregation of Huguenots, of which he 
was the principal member and protector, dragged him 
from his house at midnight, and murdered him by 
cutting his throat. His wife, rushing to his assist- 
ance, was also massacred, together with a faithful 
servant. The eldest son, absent from home, was put 
to death elsewhere. The three younger sons, aged 
fourteen, twelve, and nine years, fled in dismay from 
the scene, and by the watchful providence of God, 
reached Rochelle, begging their way, moving pity by 
the story of their bereavement, and making friends 
by their manners. 

The grandfather of Mr. Fontaine, the eldest sur- 
viving son that escaped to Rochelle, was taken home 
by a shoemaker, kindly treated, and taught his trade, 
without being apprenticed according to law. On 
arriving at maturity, he engaged in trade and pros- 
pered; was pronounced by Henry IV. one of the 
handsomest men in his kingdom. He reared three 
children — the two elder, daughters, and the youngest, 
a son, born in 1603. 

The son, the father of Mr. Fontaine, bore his 
father's name — James — was of a delicate constitu- 


tion, and from the earliest age, very fond of books. 
The noted Huguenot minister, Merlin of Rochelle, 
encouraged the education of the lad. The Countess 
of Royan patronized him, committing to him, while 
he pursued his divinity studies at Saumur, the super- 
intendence of the college studies of a young relative, 
and sending him as travelling tutor and companion 
for him through many countries of Europe. Having 
perfected himself in various living languages, he re- 
turned to France, and became pastor of the Reformed 
French churches of Veaux and Roy an. He was mar- 
ried in 1628 to a lady he met with in London on his 
travels ; and reared three sons and three daughters. 
"Was married the second time in 1641, and reared 
two sons and three daughters. The youngest child 
was a son, the author of the narrative, and bore the 
name of his father and grandfather, born April 4th, 
1658, at Jenoville, a place owned by his mother. 
He was about eight years old at his father's death, 
in 1666. The description he gives of his father's 
ministerial deportment was derived partly from the 
recollections of his boyhood, and partly from the 
statements of others. He says his father never ap- 
peared before his people in any other character or 
occupation than a minister of the gospel, and pastor 
of the flock of Christ ; the trading and trafficking of 
the family was always done by his wife, as part of 
the domestic employment. Avoiding pntertainments, 
he hastened to visit the sick and afflicted ; was skilful 
in promoting peace in his own flock, and that of 
others; his voice and manner were very pleasant. 


and his success in the ministry great. He remained 
his whole Ufe with his first charges, though soUcited 
to remove to Rochelle. BeUeviug that times of per- 
secution were coming, he prepared his flock for the 
trial ; and when it did come, a greater proportion of 
the people of Veaux and Royan than was usual, re- 
mained firm to their faith, and chose exile rather 
than conformity to Popery. 

Of his brothers and brothers-in-law, Mr. Fontaine 
says, five were ministers in the Reformed French 
Church. His brother James died pastor of Archiae, 
before the great persecution. His brother Peter was 
his father's successor, and being banished the king- 
dom, closed his life in London. Another brother, 
who was in the ministry, was induced, by the per- 
suasions of his wife, to conform to the Romish church, 
to save his property. His brother-in-law, Sautreau, 
after his church in Saintonge was condemned, went 
;fir8t to Dublin ; and on his voyage to America, was 
wrecked near Boston, and was lost, with his wife and 
children. His other brother-in-law, Mr. Forrester, 
with whom he spent a year in preparation for the 
ministry, a faithful and courageous minister, was put 
in prison ; and got his liberty by the decision of the 
parhament of Paris. His church building was pulled 
down, and a second one was condemned ; he was put 
in prison the second time, and finally escaped to Eng- 
land ; his wife cheering him in his sufierings and 
sharing them heroically 

Of his own education Mr. Fontaine gives a graphic 
account, and slipws that the same errors and disputes 


and successes were shared by teachers and pupils two 
hundred years ago as at the present day, in all of 
which he took his share ; and with great frankness 
approving and condemning many matters, on which 
others will greatly differ with him. While a candi- 
date for the sacred office, he was in the habit of in- 
viting to his house for private worsViip his neighbours 
who were without instruction, after their church at 
Veaux had been thrown down ; and proceeded without 
interruption in these secret meetings till the spring of 
1684. Not being authorized to administer the sacra- 
ment, he went to the other side of the province to 
enjoy, with others, its administration ; and remained 
some weeks. In his absence some of his neighbours 
assembled at his house, retired to a wood in the rear, 
and held religious worship, a Mason officiating by 
reading some chapters of the Bible, the approved 
prayers of the Church, and a sermon, together with 
the singing of some psalms. In a few days some 
eight hundred assembled on the same spot, the same 
Mason officiating. Shortly an assemblage of about 
a thousand people engaged in worship at the same 
place, and under the superintendence of the same 
man. On the complaint of an attorney, named 
Agoust, who lived near, a large number of these 
people were arrested, and with them Mr. Fontaine, 
who returned from his visit too late to be present at 
any of the meetings. He went cheerfully to prison 
with his neighbours, declaring that as he had encou- 
raged them to meet at his house for worship when at 
home, he would suffer with them for having assem- 


bled in his absence. In prison he contrived, not- 
withstanding all obstructions and discouragements, to 
pray with the sufterers ; and by his courageous defence 
in the trial, he succeeded in obtainting the acquittal of 
the accused, and the remission of all their fines at a 
personal ex],)ense of about two thousand livres. 

In giving a history of the circumstances of his 
trial, he gives the proceedings of the courts. Their 
forms were very different from the English or 
American legal proceedings. 1st : One w^itness at a 
time was introduced to the court ; the other witnesses 
were not permitted to hear or know what he had tes- 
tified. The testimony was recorded as it was given 
in. The accused was permitted to ask the witness 
what questions he pleased, and to have any answer 
of the witness recorded as part of his testimony. 
The witness and the accused were then required each 
to sign the record of the testimony. This proceeding 
was called. The Confrontation. Some of the oflScers 
objected to some of the questions put by Mr. Fon- 
taine, and to the recording of the answers. The 
accused positively refused to sign the Confrontation. 
The President finding that he would be put to great 
difiiculty unless he yielded to Mr. Fontaine this exer- 
cise of a lawful privilege, ordered the answ^ers to be 
recorded. 2nd : After the Confrontation was closed, 
the president, on behalf of the King, cross-examined 
the witnesses and the accused, and had such answers 
as he desired, recorded. This was called the Recolle- 
ment. 3d : In the Court the prisoner defended him- 
Belf and was not allowed an advocate. The Confront- 


ation and Recollement were read and no witnesses 
were brought forward a second time. The accused 
must abide by the recorded evidence. He was asked 
if the statement was correct, and the signature was 
his. The judges examined him more fully, and as the 
case admitted an appeal, they noted down such answers 
as they considered important. The accused was then 
sent to prison; and his sentence sent to him in writing. 
This was severe, a heavy fine, and to be forever inca- 
pable of the holy ministry. 4th : He appealed to the 
parliament of Bordeaux, and sent up his statement of 
the case which was called the Factum. The parlia- 
ment reversed the sentence against him and his neigh- 
bours. After countless delays at the offices of the 
clerks seeking for larger fees he obtained the discharge. 

Mr. Fontaine describes the proceedings of the 
dragoons in terms equally as graphic as those given 
by other writers, having witnessed their outrages 
himself. **Each dragoon was a sovereign judge and 

On invitation, he attended a meeting of twelve 
ministers and as many elders, at Coses, to consult 
what ought to be done. Being asked his opinion, he 
said there was nothing left them but to take arms and 
leave the issue to God ; others objected. A large 
meeting was held at Koyan, to answer the Intendents 
recommendation to change their religion. Mr. Fon- 
taine proposed to take arms and defend themselves ; 
this was declined. 

Crowds assembled at the sea-side seeking a passage 
beyond sea. The Cure met them and promised that 


Royan should not be visited by dragoons. Some 
believed him and went back ; others persevered and 
got safe to other countries. The Cur6 endeavoured 
to persuade Mr. Fontaine that Eoyan was safe. Mr. 
Fontaine convinced him that the dragoons would 
come, and persuaded him to go and tell the people he 
had promised too much. On the following day great 
numbers embarked ; and on the fourth day the dra- 
goons came. The people that did not mean to recant, 
and could not escape to other countries fled to the 
woods. **I left the home of my childhood, never to 
return to it, about midnight. I took with me about five 
hundred francs, which was all the ready money I had, 
two good horses, upon one of which I rode myself, 
and my valet was mounted on the other with a port- 
manteau containing a few necessaries. One of my 
horses was an Arabian, remarkably fleet. I knew 
that none of the dragoons could overtake me when 
mounted on him. I went to St. Merme to see Mr. 
Forrester and my sister Mary, but found they had 
fled. The first stoppage I made was at the house of 
my Aunt Jagauld, my mother's sister. Her son had 
changed his religion to escape dragooning ; but the 
old lady was unshaken, and I believe remained so to 
the day of her death. I went next day to Jonzac 
where I had two married sisters living, and sad to 
relate they had both recanted, to escape the dragoons. 
I was extremely distressed, but continued my travels 
towards Meslars to visit my dear sister Anne, and my 
heart was cheered to find this, my favourite sister, firm 
in her faith, even though her husband had abjured his 


religion. She gave him no peace till he agreed to 
take her out of France. In travelling about the 
country, I discovered an extent of defection, that was 
most lamentable ; and I was so afflicted and depressed 
by it, I became sick. I often encountered parties 
of soldiers, and had become so low spirited that I 
used to think I should not be sorry if they took away 
my life. " 

He frequently met dragoons ; his dress being that 
of a country gentleman, his salute was returned very 
civilly, and he passed without molestation. His 
greatest anxiety was for the welfare and escape of her 
who afterwards, in England, became his wife. A 
shelter was found for her under the roof of a Mr. 
Brejou, an advocate, who had changed his religion 
and was managing the estates of the Duke of Mon- 

Being convinced that there was no safety for the 
Reformed but in flight, he made preparations to escape. 
An English captain agreed to take him and four or 
five others with him, to England, at the rate of ten 
pistoles each. He took to Tremblade, the place for 
embarkation, his affianced, Anne Elizabeth Boursi- 
quet, and her sister Elizabeth, and his niece Janette 
Forrester. ** The latter was my god-daughter, and I 
felt it incumbent on me to provide for her safety." 
Assembled on the sands near the front of Avert, to 
take the boat, were some fifty young people, whose 
carelessness about concealing their purpose to leave 
France, betrayed the company, and the vessel was 
detainecj at the custom-house on suspicions. He ancj 


his company returned to Tremblade. Their hiding 
place was discovered ; and an officer came in search 
of them in half an hour after they had left it. Going 
from one house to another they often found more 
kindness from the fish women, than from the affluent, 
who had more to lose, and had changed their religion. 
On the 30th of November (new style), 1685, hav- 
ing made the necessary arrangements, his party, with 
two young men from Bordeaux, and six young 
women from Marennes, embarked in a little shallop, 
and in the night passed all the guard boats, and fort 
Oleron, and by ten o'clock next day were waiting for 
the vessel to transport them to England. 

The signal agreed upon with the captain of the 
vessel, by which he should know the shallop, was, 
<Hhe hoisting a sail, and letting it fall three times." 
The vessel got under way about 3, P. M. ; at the same 
time a guard vessel came in sight and approached 
them. The vessel was searched most carefully in 
every part, the shallop being near, and the refugees 
covered up by the tackling. No passengers were 
found on board the vessel, except the minister Mausy 
and his family, who had passports. The vessel was 
ordered to sail immediately, the wind being fair. 
By many manoeuverings the shallop's hands let the 
captain know, by the concerted sign, that the refu- 
gees were on board, and ,then, by other manoeuvers, 
contrived to get them about twilight on board, with- 
out exciting the 8us[)icion of the guard ship. The 
voyage to England occupied about eleven days, as 
the winds were contrary. The provisions gave out, 


and their drink was water from sleet and snow, caught 
on cloths and melted. On the 12th of December, 
new style, they landed at Appledore, a little town 
on the British Channel, below the river Tow, on 
which stands Barnstable. The people received the 
refugees with the greatest kindness. After paying 
the expenses of the passage, Mr. Fontaine had left 
twenty gold pistoles. 

Mr. Fontaine began at once to look around for the 
opportunities and means of sustaining himself and 
those depending on him. For a time he succeeded, 
by teaching. In 1688, June 10th, he was ordained 
at Taunton to the work of the gospel ministry ; and 
entered on his work as a minister of the Keformed 
French Church. **I was aware that the Episcopa- 
lians possessed all the church benefices and filled all 
the ofiices of trust throughout the kingdom. I pre- 
ferred the simplicity of divine worship to which I had 
been accustomed from my childhood, to the grandeur 
and wealth of the Episcopalians. I was attached to 
the leaves of the tree of life, as well as to the trunk, 
branches and fruit ; and in my exile, I determined to 
join myself to that company of believers who most 
nearly resembled those with whom I had suftered in 
my own country. I resolved rather to labour with 
my hands while I preached the pure doctrines of the 
gospel, and admitted only the simplest ceremonies, 
than to wound my conscience by entering the Church 
which was uph^d by the State. I presented my- 
self before the Protestant Synod, assembled at 
Taunton. I produced the testimonials of my educa- 


tion, manner of life and sufferings, which I had 
brought with me from France. I then underwent 
examination, and received holy orders from their 
hands, having an earnest desire to exercise the func- 
tions with all the Christian humility, zeal and affection 
of which I was capable. After leaving Barnstable, 
I was never again so poor as to receive charity." 
The ^* charity" he speaks of as having received was 
from a fund, raised expressly for the aid of the ref- 
ugees from France. 

The churches of refugees to which he preached 
were composed of people who had lost most, if not 
all of their property, on leaving France. His salary 
from them was of course small. In some cases he 
refused to receive any recompense. He married Miss 
Bourriquet ; and as his expenses of living increased 
upon him, he turned his attention to various employ- 
ments for a livelihood. Always holding an honoura- 
ble report for uprightness, enterprise, ingenuity, and 
courage, he was a beautiful instance of French 
capacity and Huguenot endurance, equal to any and 
all the emergencies of refugee hfe. At one time he 
taught French in families ; at another engaging in 
trade in a moderate way ; at another introducing a 
new style of goods, manufactured under his direction, 
and defending himself before the magistrate, against 
the charge of a breach of English law, (which forbade 
the exercise of any trade l)y tliose who had not served 
an apprenticeship,) by pleading that Jie introduced a 
new style of manufacture, and enriched the country 
by an act which no apprentice could learn but at his 


manufactory ; at another time engaged in fishing ; 
and defending his house, upon the sea shore, against 
French pirates in a manner truly romantic; and 
finally engaging in a boarding-school, which was his 
last occupation. He reared a family of five sons, 
the sixth dying young : and two daughters. To all 
his children he secured a good education. 

The marriage of his son Peter took place March, 
1714. **Itwas about the time that we began to 
turn our eyes towards America, as a country that 
would be most suitable for the future residence of the 
family. John was without employment ; it was there- 
fore determined that he should make a voyage to 
America, travel through every part where the cli- 
mate was temperate, and purchase a plantation, in such 
situation as he judged would prove in all respects the 
most advantageous. He landed in Virginia, travelled 
through that colony, as well as parts of Maryland, 
Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, to the town of New 
York. He came to the conclusion that Virginia 
presented the most desirable circumstances, taking 
everything into consideration. He purchased a plan- 
tation there, and also found a parish in the vicinity 
of his purchase, which he thought would suit Peter, 
and wrote to him to that effect. Peter had taken his 
degree and was ready to be ordained. He accord- 
ingly went to London, and received ordination from 
the hand of the Bishop of London, who is also 
Bishop of all the British colonies. In February or 
March they were in London, and embarked for Vir- 
ginia, and found their brother John impatiently wait- 


ing for tTiem. He became minister of Westover 
Parish. His son James sailed for Virginia in April, 
1717 with his wife, child, and mother-in-law. The 
voyage was disastrous from stormy weather; but 
they arrived safe, and were conducted by their brother 
John to the home he had provided for them. The 
eldest daughter, Mary Anne, was married to Matthew 
Maury, of Castle Manson, Gascony. He had lived 
in Dublin two years, a refugee from France. He 
went to Virginia in 1717; and being well pleased 
with the country, he returned for his family, and 
embarked with them in 1719. Francis received 
orders from the Bishop of London, and went to Vir- 
ginia with letters of recommendation to the Governor. 
He was settled at St. Margaret's Parish, King Wil- 
liam county. 

The mother of the family died in 1721. The 
father withdrew from public life, having closed his 
boarding-school, and living with his youngest daugh- 
ter. His son John returned from Virginia, and spent 
his life in England, leaving his three brothers, two 
of them Episcopal ministers, and one sister in the 
colony. From these descended a numerous progeny, 
of the names of Fontaine and Maury. The females 
intermarried with other families. Some of the names 
of the families thus connected with the Huguenots 
liave been collected by one of the descendants of 
James Fontaine. 

Owen, Mills, Winston, Patrick, Dillon, Jacob, 
Saunders, Vernon, Floyd, Pope, Prather, Bullock, 
Cosby, Oakley, Beavors, Thompson, Armstead, Lewis, 


Rose, Peacham, Terrill, Lee, Alexander, Selden, Dan- 
dridge, Beckwith, Dabney, Knapp, Lloyd, Lippett, 
Laniers, Potts, De Butts, Potts, Waller, Anderson, 
Redd, Bradford, Bolton, Hereford, Perkins, Brooke, 
Grymes, Jankersley, Catlett, Spears, Llewellyn, 
Thornton, McQuinn, Stewart, besides those who 
were connected with families of the Huguenot stock. 
2d: Females, descendants of one of the two men 
by the name of Maury, that reared families in Amer- 
ica, intermarried with families other than Huguenots, 
viz: Claiborne, Strachan, Lewis, Herndon, Eggles- 
ton, Triplett, Tatum, Dowsing, Parrish, DeGraften- 
reid. White, Fry, Lightfoot, Hay, Hite, Polk, Vass, 
Gregory, Hause, Digges, Bagby, Ludlow, Guthrie, 
Holland, Boyd, Thomson, Bussy, Ware, Turner, 
Potway, Reid, Harris, Garrett, Reese, Stewart, Owen, 
Wallace, Berkley, Ludlow, Euhelberger, WiUiams, 
Davison, Lodor, Bird, Green, Smith, Hill, Magru- 
der, Haverstick, Brown, RatcliiF, Alfred, Conway, 
Crawford, Pierie, Potter, Balthus, Dawson, Arnold, 
Thomas, Hume, Curran, Humphreys, Harding, be- 
sides those connected with families of the Huguenot 

7th. The Jacqueline family, at Jamestown, when it 
was a town, was of Huguenot descent. The ancestor of 
the family emigrated from Le Vendie in the time of 
Charles IX., just before the massacre of St. Bartholo- 
mew's day, 1572, taking a large portion of his wealth 
with him, to England. Edward Jacqueline emigrated 
to Virginia and joined the colony at Jamestown. He 
married into the Carey family, and had three sons 


iiud three daughters. The sons all died before their 
father. The eldest daughter married Richard Am- 
bler of Yorktown. The secoud married a man by 
the name of Smith, from whom were descended the 
family of Smiths near Winchester, Frederick county, 
liichard Ambler, that married the eldest daughter, 
was from Yorkshire, England. He inherited the 
Jamestown property. From him descended the Am- 
blers of Virginia, in Eichmond and Augusta. His 
daughter, Mary, was married to John Marshall, after- 
wards, the Chief Justice of the United States. John 
Ambler married the daughter of Philip Burch, of 
Winchester. The descendants of these families have 
spread far and wide, and have been honoured by their 
countrymen. The particular circumstances attending 
the emigration of this family from France to Eng- 
land, and from England to America, have not been 
preserved ; or if they are in being, the manuscripts 
have not yet come to light. The general outlines 
were undoubtedly the same as those hitherto described. 
The particulars will be interesting if ever discovered. 
8th. The Moncure family. Rev. John Moncure, 
of Stafford, of the Episcopal Church, was of Hugue- 
not descent. One of his daughters became the wife 
of General Wood, afterwards Governor of the State. 
Mrs. Wood was highly esteemed in Richmond for 
her endowments and her virtues. When the first 
effort was made to erect churches in Richmond, that 
Christian assemblies might not depend upon the State 
Capital, or private houses, for their public worship, 


she favoured the good work. Rev. John H. Rice, 
D. D., found in her a warm friend and helper, and 
ever spoke of her with the highest esteem and friend- 
ship. There is still in existence a correspondence 
between the Doctor and Mrs. Wood, highly credita- 
ble to the piety and judgment of Mrs. Wood. The 
descendants of Mr. Moncure have been in high esteem 
in their native State ; and frequently to be found in 
public stations. Not bigoted in religious forms, they 
are believers in the gospel their ancestor delighted 
to explain, and from which he drew his consolation, 
whether he read it in the original language, or the 
French or English translation. Those Huguenots 
that entered the service of denominations that diftered 
in forms from the Church of their nativity, carried 
no exclusive spirit with them ; but cherished feelings 
of kindness for those that love the Lord Jesus, of 
whatever name. 

9^' The Micou family. Paul Micou, a Huguenot, 
left Nantes, in France. After spending some years 
in exile, probably in England, he emigrated to Vir- 
ginia, and took his residence on the Rappahannock, 
and gave his name to a landing place. He had been 
educated in France for the bar. A man of great 
and acknowledged worth. He died May 23d, 1736, 
aged seventy-eight years. His tomb-stone, of heavy 
black marble, is still to be seen deeply sunk in the 
earth. One of his daughters married Mr. Gisborne, 
an Episcopal preacher in Richmond county, who was 
the minister in charge while the noted Rev. James 
Waddell preached in Lancaster and Northumberland. 


Another daughter, Judith Micou, married Lunsford 
Lomax. His son, Major Thomas Lomax, was the 
father of Judge Lomax, long and favourably known 
in the Virginia courts. Another daughter of Mr. 
Micou married Moore Fauntleroy. The descendants 
of this emigrant have been widely scattered, and 
favourably known in Virginia. The particular cir- 
cumstances of his emigration have not been preserved, 
or not made public. The character for uprightness, 
firmness, and domestic virtues, which he bequeathed 
his descendants, has been their passport to public 
favour and private enjoyment. They may glory in 
the French lawyer from Nantes, and visit the black 
marble that covers his remains, when they are tempted 
to despond under any troubles that may come upon 
them, under the Providence of that God he feared. 
10. The Latan^ family. Mr. Latan6, the ancestor 
of his family, fled with the great company of Hugue- 
nots, and for the same general reasons, being sh^it up 
to the choice of being an exile, or enduring untold 
suftering, or abandoning his religion. In England 
he received ordination from the Bishop of London, 
to whom belonged the oversight of the established 
Church in Virginia ; and in the year 1701 emigrated 
to that province. He became the minister of South 
Farnham Parish, Essex county, and continued in the 
performance of his duties till his death, in 1732. He 
left one son and five daughters. Too little is known 
of the amiable and irreproachable man who for thir- 
ty-one years preached the faith for which he had been 
exiled. With many other Huguenots, he believed 


the form of government of the different Protestant 
churches should not be a cause of discord among 
those who held the same doctrinal creed. In his 
retired parish on the Rappahannock he was undis- 
turbed in his construction of the thirty-nine articles 
in the Huguenot sense of the doctrines. Without 
the visitation of a bishop, he used the English liturgy 
in public worship ; and was a useful minister in his 
day and generation. One of his granddaughters, 
Lucy Latane, became the wife of Payne Waring, a 
noted agriculturalist, of Essex; and her daughter 
became the wife of R. Baylor, also noted for his suc- 
cess and enterprize in farming pursuits. 

There were some in his parish that were not pleased 
with the doctrines of grace held forth by him from 
the pulpit ; they preferred a kind of preaching that 
dwelt more on moral principles and duties than on 
Christian faith. These discontented people wished 
to have a change of ministry. But what charge 
could be urged before the proper authority for depri- 
ving Mr. Latane of his parish? He was of unexcep- 
tionable morals, attentive to the duties of his office, 
evidently well read in theology, and a man of gene- 
ral education ; affable and unobtrusive. His opposers 
objected that they could not understand him; not 
that his ideas were confused, or badly clothed in 
words, or that his manner of delivery was bad ; but 
that he retained the French accent, which was disa- 
greeable to them, and made them lose his ideas; 
that they could not be edified by his sermons on ac- 
count of his foreign pronunciation. The matter went 


to a great length of personal annoyance to the min- 
ister; and was finally given up on the receipt of a 
letter from one in high authority in the State and 
Church. Mr. Latant>, riding near his house, met 
one of his opponents ; and after some conversation, 
asked him to go in and take some spirit and water. 
The person assented. Before they parted Mr. Latan^ 
observed to him: *^ When I preach and tell you how 
to do right, you cannot understand me ; but when I 
ask you to what may lead you to do wrong, you can 
understand me very well." The difficulty in the way 
of understanding was in the man's heart. 

11. The Cazenove family — from a letter from one 
of the descendants. 

Ebv. William Henry Foote — Sir : I have seen in 
the papers that you desire to obtain new and authen- 
tic particulars of the history of families, tracing their 
origin back to French Protestants. As all family 
records were left in Alexandria, I have jotted down 
only such things as I chanced to remember, not with 
any desire to make a display, for matters of greater 
moment perhaps have been omitted; but acknow- 
ledging a pride in honourable and honest ancestors, 
on both sides of the house, I have told you only such 
things as stick closest to the memory. 

The family I)e Cazenove, (or De C.istionovo, which 
is the original orthogrophy of the name,) was an old 
and respectal)le one in the south of France. The 
name and history began with a knight, who, in the 
year, 993, added the name to his baptismal appella- 


tion, adopted a ** new castle" as his coat-of-arms, 
and styled himself, Sieur Cazenove. The members 
of this family led the usual life of the nobility and 
gentry in Provence and Languedoc. Several knights 
of the name engaged in the crusades. Their parti- 
cipation in tournaments is frequently recorded ; and 
frequent gifts and legacies to monasteries, churches, 
&c., are mentioned, bestowed by the ladies of the 
family to propitiate the favour of the Church, and 
smother the importunities of the priests. Honoura- 
ble and even illustrious alliances, during this time, 
were numerous ; and during the reign of Henry IV. 
Guilliame De Cazenove was entitled Admiral. But 
during the religious troubles, wars, and persecutions, 
extending from the time of the Reformation to the 
revocation of Henry IV. 's Edict of Nantes, the Caze- 
noves lost their property, which was the usual fate 
of the Protestants. Some of the family fled to Swit- 
zerland. Paul Cazenove, who married Marie Planta- 
more, of Noyons, and his three sons were admitted 
citizens of Geneva. They abandoned their homes 
and property, in and near JSTismes, for the sake of 
their religion, and sought a home in that brave and 
hospitable little republic. They were soon admitted 
to citizenship, an honour granted to few foreigners, 
so jealous were the burghers of their privileges, and 
so threatening was the attitude of Louis Le Grand, 
on account of their hospitable treatment of these 
refugee subjects. These French Cazenoves must 
have been staunch Calvinists, as Jean, the eldest son 
of Pierre, married Elizabeth, daughter of Jacob 


Bressonnet, Doctor of Theology, and President of 
the Consistory. Paul Cazenove, the son of Jean, 
was 80 unfortunate as to live in the days of the • 
French Revolution ; and he and his two sons, Jean 
Antoine and Antoine Charles, were imprisoned along 
with several hundreds of the Genevese aristocracy, 
and his wife was kept under guard at Mont Brilliant, 
a beautiful country seat on the banks of the lake 
Geneva. They were tried before the revolutionary 
tribunal, and were condemned to death. But for- 
tunately, just at this time, Robespierre was overthrown, 
and the work of death was stayed. Being obnoxious 
to the Jacobins (both having been educated at the 
military school of Calmar in Germany), the two 
brothers in company with Albert Gallatin sailed to 
this country to await more quiet times ; for Jean had 
been a military instructor and leader of the aristocracy, 
and Charles had once held a commission in the imfor- 
tunate Swiss body-guard of Louis XVI. The broth- 
ers married in this country sisters, the daughters 
of Edmund Ilagan, a political refugee from Ireland. 
When the troubles in Europe were stilled, Jean re- 
turned to Geneva and died leaving no son. Antoine 
Charles took up his residence about the year 1799 in 
Alexandria, Virginia, where as a commission merchant 
and a polished Christian gentleman, he passed a long 
life highly respected. He retained the faith of his fore- 
fathers, and died an elder in the good old Presbyterian 
Church. His descendants are numerous and widely 
scattered, from Massachusetts to Georgia. 

Other branches of the family might be mentioned, 


One settled in Holland, a refugee from the troubles 
of France. A descendant, Theophile Cazenove, 
Dutch minister to the United States, led over a colony 
of Hollanders to central Few York, which settled in 
and around a town called Cazenove. This man had 
only one child, a daughter. 

Another branch returned from Geneva to France, 
and now resides in Lyons. Raoul De Cazenove is 
the head. The Huguenot refugees were a noble race 
of men. They gave up property, home, nobility, all 
that man holds dear, for conscience' sake ; and what 
is remarkable, we do not find in them that blind 
intolerant spirit of bigotry and fanaticism which 
characterized the Puritans under similar circum- 
stances. Strongly inclined generally to follow Cal- 
vin, in his peculiar doctrinal system, the descendants 
of the Huguenots seem to partake of his liberality 
as to church government and discipline ; and whether 
as Presbyterians or Episcopalians, or aught else, they 
are tolerant, charitable, and moral. And so may it 
ever be. 

12th. The Mauzy family. Henry Mauzy fled from 
France in 1685. Tradition has preserved too little 
concerning the condition and residence of his ances- 
tors. It is known, however, that a Huguenot minis- 
ter by the name of Mauzy left France in the same 
vessel that carried James Fontaine to England. It 
is also known that the parents of Henry Mauzy were 
accustomed to read the Bible daily, with one of the 
family on the watch for the approach of any one who 
might, by giving information, bring them under the 


penalty of the severe laws ; and in case of danger, 
the Bible was replaced in its hiding-place, under a 
trap-door. Some families had a secret sliding- door 
in the walls of the house ; others had double-seated 
arm-chairs with cushions, and the Bible was kept 
between the seats, hidden by the drapery of the 
cushion. Henry Mauzy, like '* the little night-cap," 
left France in a hogshead, labelled as merchandise, 
and thus escaped the search made for fugitives, from 
the severity of the laws of Louis, who said, in 1685, 
he hoped by the time the Duke of Burgundy, (his 
grandson,) came to years of understanding, he should 
never know what a Huguenot was, but by history. 
Emigrating to Virginia, Henry Mauzy took his abode 
in Fauquier county. He had for his wife a daughter 
of Dr. Conyers, an Englishman, with whom he pro- 
bably became acquainted in England. A son of his, 
John Mauzy, was married to Hester Foote, grand 
aunt of the Hon. H. S. Foote, member of the Con- 
federate Congress, a resident of Tennessee, (1864.) 
His son, Henry Mauzy, born in 1721, was married 
to Elizabeth Taylor, born 1735. He died 1804, aged 
83 ; and she in 1829, aged 94. This couple reared 
a large family of sons and daughters. The sons 
were, John, Thomas, Eichard, Michael, Joseph, and 
some others. Joseph, the youngest son and child, 
was the late Colonel Mauzy of Rockingham ; and his 
son Kichard, is the editor of the Staunton Sjiectator, 
(1864.) One of the daughters of Henry Mauzy and 
Elizabeth Taylor, named Susannah, born 1765, was 


married to Charles Kemper, who was born in 1756. 
She died in 1843, aged 78 ; and he in 1841, aged 85. 

The descendants from the emigrant, Henry Mauzy, 
are very numerous, and scattered, of whom but a few 
have been mentioned. They may all glory in their 
ancestor, who, for his Protestant faith, suffered the 
loss of all things, in France, and reared his family 
in Virginia. Fauquier has many descendants of 
those who, for conscience' sake, sought a home in 
the wilderness. 

13th. The Lacy family. The ancestor of the Lacy 
family met with a somewhat peculiar difficulty in find- 
ing his way to America. Others were entrapped at 
difierent times. He succeeded in overcoming it; 
while others of his countrymen sunk under it, plun- 
dered, and put to death at once, or confined in the 
horrible galleys. 

Louis XrV. used every means in his power to pre- 
vent the Huguenots from leaving France, intent on 
compelling them to change their religion and embrace 
his, that his ** grandchildren might know nothing of 
the Huguenots but from history.'* Madame Mainte- 
non wrote to La Comtesse De St. Geron: **The 
King begins to think seriously of his salvation, and 
that of his subjects. If God spares him, there will 
be only one religion in this kingdom. That is the 
sentiment of M. De Louvois ; and I believe him more 
readily than M. Colbert, who thinks of his finances 
and rarely of religion" — that is, of the form of reli- 
gion she cherished at that time. His subjects, the 
Huguenots, found themselves shut up to the choice 


of abjuring their religion, or suflering loss of pro- 
perty, with imprisonment, bodily suflerings, and 
perhaps death ; or clandestinely escape from France 
with what goods they might take with them. The 
King endeavoured to take away one choice, and leave 
them either to abjure, or sufier in any and every way. 
He set guards on all avenues of escape to foreign 
lands. Being informed, by his minister in Holland, 
of the numerous arrivals of fugitive Huguenots, and 
the wealth brought with them, he redoubled his pat- 
roles on the highways, and on the sea shore, and his 
guard-ships at all ports, with rewards for diligence, 
and threats for detected failure of appointed duty. 
The flight of refugees was hindered, but not prevented. 
The ministers abroad adopted two other methods 
of stopping the emigration. One method was to seek 
the refugees perplexed with the difficulties of exile, 
and by persuasions, and offers of reward, and vivid 
pictures of their impending trials, if possible, to in- 
duce them to return to France. The faith of some 
refugees failed, and they returned to France, and 
made peace with the King. The other method was 
to meet the refugees, by some of their satellites, re- 
ceive them kindly, assist them to And lodging, supply 
their wants, procure employment for them, give or 
advance them money, and thus gain their confidence ; 
and then to ol)tain from them, in a stealthy maimer, 
information respecting their friends in France intend- 
ing to escape, or any property about to be transmitted 
in any form, and the persons who were acting as 
agents for them in France ; and perhaps have corres- 


pondence with these agents, and then lay all the 
information before the proper authorities in France. 
Property was seized and confiscated to the informers 
and the government ; and agents and Huguenots, 
preparing to escape, or on their way, were arrested 
and made to suffer the penalties of the law. Vessels 
preparing to sail from foreign ports were watched ; 
and all preparations to convey Iluguenots to other 
countries in Europe, or to the East Indies, or to 
America, North or South, were noticed ; and, as far 
as possible, the passengers ascertained, the wealth to be 
transported, and the means of defence ; and all this 
information was forthwith sent to France, that some 
vessel might be sent, or have leave to go out, or 
might simply be informed of the intended departure, 
and an opportunity given in some form for plundering 
on the high seas. How many vessels that sailed and 
were never heard of again, were disposed of in this 
way, can be known only when the sea gives up its 

The vessel in which Mr. Lacy sailed was arrested 
on the high seas by an armed ship without other 
authority than force. The captors were more greedy 
for plunder than for blood. After being detained by 
these pirates for a considerable length of time, and 
urged to abandon his purpose of going to America, 
Mr. Lacy escaped from their power, made his way to 
Virginia, and became one of the colony at Manakin 
town. His descendants are numerous, and may be 
'found in different States. 

As the prospects of the colony for success as a 


village or town faded away, and the numerous chil- 
dren grew up, there was not room on ten thousand 
acres of land in a body for the young families to find 
a home and subsistence. Emigration to the extended 
unoccupied country beyond the bounds of the grant 
of King William's parish became necessary; and 
went on rapidly till not an acre of the ten thousand 
is in possession of a descendant of the original owner. 
William Lacy, (a grandson of the emigrant,) and his 
wife, Catherine Rice, removed to Chesterfield county. 
Their son Drury, with a twin sister, was born Octo- 
ber 5th, 1758. Two children were entered on the 
parish records of Manakin town as having been born 
there; the one in 1741, and the other in 1743; so 
that the emigration was probably in 1744, or '45. 
In a few years the other members of the family left 
the parish. When Drury was about ten years of 
age, he was beguiled to discharge an over-loaded 
musket. The piece was shattered, and with it the 
boy's left hand. This event, in a great measure, 
decided the future course of his life. Ilis father 
made great efibrts to educate his son ; but dying in 
about two years, and leaving a small estate, some- 
what encumbered, the lad was left with his widowed 
mother. In about four years more his mother died. 
Friends sympathized with the youth, and by them he 
was encouraged to obtain an education, and fit him- 
self for a teacher or some profession. His fine ap- 
pearance, pleasant manners, and sweet voice attracted 
attention. AVhile engaged in teaching, in a private 
family, he came under the notice of Eev. John B. 


Smith, President of Hampden Sidney College, by 
whom he was encouraged and assisted in completing 
a classical education. He became a minister of the 
gospel ; and was for years Vice-President of the college 
at which he had been educated. He could lift up his 
voice like a trumpet, and its silvery notes fell sweetly 
upon the ears of the most distant auditors in large 
congregations, wherever assembled, in houses, or in 
the open air. His appeals were most impressive, and 
often overwhelming. His capability of enduring- 
great and continued eflbrts in his public ministrations 
was remarkable. A silver finger affixed to the wrist 
of his shattered hand gave him the name of '* silver 
hand," or, as people would sometimes call him, 
''silver fist." The Church remembers him as. Lacy 
of the ''silver hand and silver voice." He married 
a Miss Smith, and reared three sons and two daugh- 
ters. Two of the sons became mhiisters of the 
gospel, according to the faith of their father and 
Huguenot ancestors. The eldest son, William Smith 
Lacy, preached for a time as a missionary, and then 
became pioneer of the Church in Arkansas. The 
youngest, Driiry, was pastor for some years in Kaleigh, 
North Carolina ; then served as President of David- 
son College ; and after that became chaplain in the 
State hospitals. The other son became a physician. 
Each of these sons reared one son for the ministry. 
Of these, one, the Rev. B. T. Lacy, was the chosen 
chaplain of the lamented General T. J. Jackson; 
and another was chaplain in General Lee's army. 
Two grandsons entered the army. One died in Pe- 


tersburg from disease brought on by exposure ; and 
the other, J. Horace Lacy, was a field officer of much 
active service, whose losses, in property in the neigh- 
bourhood of Fredericksburg and in Culpeper, have 
been great, during the campaigns of which Richmond 
was the object. 

The two daughters each married Presbyterian min- 
isters. The elder became the wife of Samuel Davies 
Hoge, the son of Rev. Moses Hoge, D. D., the Pro- 
fessor of Theology of the Virginia Synod. Her two 
sons entered the ministry. The elder, Moses Drury 
Hoge, is pastor of the Second Presbyterian Church, 
Richmond. During the exciting events of the late 
civil war, he, in addition to his pastoral duties, per- 
formed the work of chaplain to Camp Lee, near the 
city; often preaching daily to the soldiers under 
training, for weeks in succession ; and, accompanied 
by the best wishes of good people all over the South, 
made a voyage to England, and succeeded in obtain- 
ing a large grant of Bibles and Testaments for the 
army. The other son, William James Hoge, died in 
1864, pastor of the Tabb Street Church, Petersburg. 

The youngest daughter married Rev. James H. 
Brookes, and reared one son for the ministry, who is 
now pastor of a church in the city of St. Louis. Thus, 
from the little boy with the shattered hand, descended 
two sons and six grandsons for the Christian ministry. 
Other branches of the family also reared ministers of 
the gospel, in connexion with other denominations of 
the Protestant faith, particularly the Baptist. 

The beloved and lamented pastor of Tabb Street 


Church, Petersburg, William J. Hoge, the grandson 
of Drury Lacy, was removed from his ministerial 
work in the prime of his life. He possessed the sweet 
and far pervading voice and pleasant pulpit manners 
of his maternal grandfather. He ministered in the 
Gospel with all his heart. His devoted soul spoke 
out in his pubhc sermons, his pastoral visits, and his 
domestic life, the loving kindness of the gospel of the 
Son of God. He had from taste and feeling and con- 
viction adopted the style of the French pulpit in its 
best days ; not that he had made them a model and 
a study in preparation for the pulpit, but by trial he 
found that way of preaching most pleasant to himself 
and most useful in obtaining the individual attention 
of his auditory. His endowments favoured that style. 
It was to him natural. He had most freedom of 
mental and spiritual action in it. In the female 
academy in Richmond he was a beloved and success- 
ful teacher and lecturer. He was listened to with 
pleasure and profit as pastor of Westminister church, 
Baltimore. His. preaching gathered large audiences 
in Farmville, while he was professor in the Theologi- 
cal Seminary. And as a co-pastor of Dr. Spring, in 
the Brick church, New York, his ministrations were 
more than acceptable. The house would be filled 
when he was to preach. His sermons held forth in 
great prominence the doctrines of grace. He loved 
to dwell upon the grace of Christ Jesus, giving Him- 
self a ransom for His people, *'the Saviour of all 
men, especially of them that believe." The literary 

and refined loved to hear him ; the unlettered loved 


to attend upon his ministry, because he set forth sal- 
vation by grace with deep feeling in sweet words, and 
by impressive action. He preached his fai-ewell ser- 
mon in N'ew York the very day of the first battle of 
Manassas, and at the very hour the fight was raging ; 
and retired from his charge as co-pastor to hear the 
result of that great battle which opened the war. 
Forbidden a return by the sea-board, he conducted 
his family a circuit round by the Ohio and through 
the State of Tennessee, and reached his beloved Vir- 
ginia in safety, and took his abode in Charlottesville. 
From that place, early in the fall of 18G3, he became 
pastor of the Tabb Street church in Petersburg. His 
ministry was appreciated by all classes. There was a 
simplicity in his glowing thoughts and beautiful fig- 
ures and grand truths, and an earnestness in his man- 
ner and a sweetness in his clear pervading voice and 
distinct utterance, that charmed the galleries and im- 
pressed the lower floor of his capacious audience room. 
The citizens came in, the soldiers came in, the negroes 
came in. All said he knew how to preach to them. 
He himself panted for higher excellence ; for a nearer 
approach to the simplicity and directness of his Lord 
and Master. A short time betbre his death he revealed 
to one in whom his confidence w^as unbounded his 
plans and earnest desires for more simplicity and effi- 
ciency in preaching. He thought he saw the way. 
Just then, after a short pastorate of about ten months, 
while the shells of the invaders were piercing his 
church building an